以下是為大家整理的《美國經(jīng)典英文演講翻譯:First Inaugural Address》的文章，供大家參考
President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.
This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.
So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.
Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.
Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.
We must act. We must act quickly.
And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people's money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.
Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.
We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.
It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.
In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.
May He protect each and every one of us.
May He guide me in the days to come.
這是一個國家奉獻(xiàn)一天。我敢肯定，在這一天，我的同胞們都期待我感應(yīng)到總統(tǒng)，我會解決這些問題的那樣，坦率和決定的現(xiàn)狀，我們的人民推動。
坦白，勇敢地說出真相，全部的真相，這是時刻。我們不必畏首畏尾，老老實實面對我國今天的條件。這個偉大的國家會繼續(xù)下去，因為它一直忍著，會復(fù)興和繁榮。
所以，首先，讓我表明我的堅定信念，我們不得不害怕的就是害怕本身 - 一種莫名奇妙的，喪失理智的，毫無根據(jù)的恐懼癱瘓需要努力把人轉(zhuǎn)退為進(jìn)。我們的國民生活在每一個陰云密布的時刻，坦率和活力的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)會見的理解和支持的人本身，這是必不可少的勝利。我相信，你會再次給予同樣的支持，在這些重要的日子里領(lǐng)導(dǎo)。
我和你們在這樣的精神，我們面對我們共同的困難。他們的關(guān)心，感謝上帝，只有物質(zhì)的東西。值已經(jīng)縮水到美妙的水平;賦稅增加了;我們的支付能力下降了;各級政府面臨著嚴(yán)重的收入短缺;交換手段被凍結(jié)在貿(mào)易的電流;工業(yè)企業(yè)的謊言枯萎的落葉每一面;農(nóng)民自己的產(chǎn)品找不到銷路;千家萬戶多年的積蓄都不見了。更重要的是，一臺主機(jī)的失業(yè)公民面臨嚴(yán)峻的生存問題，同樣大量艱辛的勞動換取微薄的報酬。只有愚蠢的樂天派會否認(rèn)當(dāng)前這些陰暗的現(xiàn)實的時刻。
但我們的苦惱從沒有失敗物質(zhì)。我們沒有遭到什么蝗蟲的災(zāi)害。征服了我們的祖先們，因為他們堅信，不怕危險相比，我們還有很多要感謝的。本質(zhì)上仍然提供了恩惠，人類的努力已使之倍增。大量是在我們家門口，但一個時候，寬裕的生活卻悄然離去的供應(yīng)非常的景象。
首先，這是因為人類的商品交換的統(tǒng)治者都失敗了，通過自己的固執(zhí)和自己的無能，承認(rèn)自己的失敗，并撒手不管了。在輿論的法庭起訴無良貨幣兌換的做法，拒絕男人的心和頭腦。
誠然，他們已經(jīng)盡力了。但他們的努力，已投在陳腐的傳統(tǒng)格局。面對信貸的失敗，他們只是提議借出更多的錢。脫去利潤誘導(dǎo)人民追隨他們的錯誤領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的誘惑，他們紛紛使出囑托，含淚祈求恢復(fù)信心。他們只知道一代自我求職者的規(guī)則。他們沒有眼光，有沒有異象，民就滅亡。
是的，貨幣兌換逃離他們在我們文明廟宇的席位?，F(xiàn)在我們可以千古不變的真理來重建這座廟宇。衡量這重建是在何種程度上我們應(yīng)用更高尚的社會價值比金錢利潤。
幸福不在于擁有金錢，而在于成就的喜悅中，在創(chuàng)造性努力的快感。喜悅，激勵的工作不再必須被遺忘在瘋狂地追逐那轉(zhuǎn)瞬即逝的利潤。這些黑暗的日子里，我的朋友，將是值得我們付出的代價，如果他們教給我們，我們真正的使命不是要受人的服事乃是要服事人自己，我們的男同胞。
承認(rèn)物質(zhì)財富作為成功的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，虛假齊頭并進(jìn)放棄公職和高級政治地位的錯誤觀念，認(rèn)為是被重視的驕傲和個人收益為標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，并且必須有最終在銀行界和企業(yè)界的行為，它常常給神圣的委托混同于無情和自私的不法行為。難怪信心在減弱，只有靠誠實，榮譽(yù)，神圣的義務(wù)，忠實的保護(hù)，和無私的表現(xiàn)，如果沒有它們，就不可能有。
然而，恢復(fù)通話，沒有倫理觀念的變化。這個國家要求行動起來，現(xiàn)在就行動起來。
我們，最基本的任務(wù)是讓人民投入工作。這是沒有無法解決的問題，如果我們以智慧和勇氣面對它。它可以完成一部分由政府本身直接招聘，處理的任務(wù)，我們會處理緊急戰(zhàn)爭，但在同一時間，通過這個就業(yè)，辦成了 - 非常需要的項目，能刺激并重組使用我們偉大的天然資源。
手在手，我們必須坦白地承認(rèn)在我們的工業(yè)中心的人口失衡，通過從事在全國范圍內(nèi)重新分配，努力提供一個更好的為那些最適合的土地的土地用途。
是的，任務(wù)可以幫助明確努力提高農(nóng)產(chǎn)品的價值，購買這個電源的輸出我們的城市。它可以幫助防止切實日益增長的損失通過止贖我們的小家和農(nóng)場的悲劇。它可以幫助堅持，聯(lián)邦，州和當(dāng)?shù)卣⒓葱袆拥男枨?，他們的成本大幅降低。它可以幫助救?zāi)活動現(xiàn)在常常是分散不經(jīng)濟(jì)，不平等的統(tǒng)一。它可以幫助國家規(guī)劃和監(jiān)督的各種形式的運(yùn)輸，通信和其他公用設(shè)施，具有一定公共性質(zhì)的。有很多方法可以幫助它，但它永遠(yuǎn)不能僅僅談?wù)撍膸椭?BR> 我們必須采取行動。我們必須迅速采取行動。
終于，在我們恢復(fù)工作的進(jìn)展情況，我們需要對舊秩序的罪惡的回報保障。必須有嚴(yán)格監(jiān)督銀行業(yè)，信貸和投資。用別人的錢投機(jī)必須有一個結(jié)束。必須提供充足而健康的貨幣。
這些，我的朋友，是攻擊線。目前我將敦促新國會特別會議的具體措施為他們的履行，我將尋求立即的援助的48個國家。
通過此項行動綱領(lǐng)，我們解決自己把自己國家的房子，以便使收入支出。我們的國際貿(mào)易關(guān)系，雖然很重要，在時間點和必要性，建立健全國家經(jīng)濟(jì)二次。我的青睞，作為可行的策略，首先第一件事情把。我將不遺余力通過國際經(jīng)濟(jì)重新恢復(fù)國際貿(mào)易，但國內(nèi)的緊急情況無法等待這一成就。
指導(dǎo)這一特別的全國性復(fù)蘇的基本思想是不是國家 - 狹隘的民族主義。是堅持，作為第一考慮，在相互依存中的各種元素和部分美利堅合眾國 - 確認(rèn)美國的開拓精神的舊的和永久的重要體現(xiàn)。這是復(fù)蘇之路。它是即時之路。這是的保證復(fù)蘇將持續(xù)下去。
在國際政策方面，我將致力于這個國家的睦鄰友好政策，堅決尊重自己的鄰居是誰，因為他這樣做，尊重他人的權(quán)利;尊重他的義務(wù)和尊重的神圣的鄰居是誰他的協(xié)議，與鄰居世界。
如果我正確地閱讀我們的人的脾氣，我們現(xiàn)在認(rèn)識到，因為我們從來沒有意識到之前，我們彼此相互依存，我們不能僅僅采取，但我們必須奉獻(xiàn)，如果我們要前進(jìn)，我們必須將作為一支訓(xùn)練有素的忠誠的軍隊，愿意犧牲一個共同的原則為好，因為沒有這樣的紀(jì)律沒有能夠取得進(jìn)展，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)就不可能有效。
，我知道，我們準(zhǔn)備并愿意向我們的生命和財產(chǎn)，這樣的紀(jì)律，因為它使可能其目的是在更大的好領(lǐng)導(dǎo)。這一點，我建議，承諾更大的目的后，我們將綁定，綁定后，我們作為一個神圣的義務(wù)，只有在武裝斗爭時期職責(zé)緊緊團(tuán)結(jié)。
有了這樣的誓言，我將毫不猶豫地承擔(dān)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)這個偉大的軍隊，我們的人民奉獻(xiàn)一個有紀(jì)律的攻擊后，我們的常見問題。
在這個形象的行動，行動是可行的，為此政府的形式下，我們已經(jīng)從我們的祖先繼承。我們的憲法是如此簡單，實在，這是可能始終以滿足特殊需求的重點和安排上的變化，不喪失基本形式。這就是為什么我們的憲政體制已經(jīng)證明了自己的現(xiàn)代世界已經(jīng)見過最雄偉的持久的政治機(jī)制。
它已應(yīng)付過巨大的國土擴(kuò)張，外戰(zhàn)，苦的內(nèi)部紛爭，世界關(guān)系的壓力。它是希望行政和立法權(quán)力的正常平衡可能是完全平等的，完全足以滿足前所未有的任務(wù)擺在我們面前的。但它可能是一個前所未有的需求與需要無延時動作可能要求暫時離開，公共程序的正常平衡。
根據(jù)憲法賦予我的職責(zé)，我準(zhǔn)備建議的措施，在一個貧困的世界之中，可能需要一個受災(zāi)國家。這些措施或其他措施，國會可能打造出來的經(jīng)驗和智慧，我應(yīng)尋求憲法賦予我的權(quán)力范圍內(nèi)，帶來迅速通過。
但是，在國會拒不采納這兩條路線之一，在國家應(yīng)急事件仍然是至關(guān)重要的，我不會逃避明確執(zhí)勤過程中，然后將面對我。我將要求國會為剩下的一個儀器，以滿足危機(jī) - 廣泛的行政權(quán)力發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭的緊急情況下，作為大的權(quán)力，將給予我，如果我們實際上是由外敵入侵。
對于信任我，我將返回的勇氣和獻(xiàn)身精神，一應(yīng)俱全的時間。我能做的也毫不遜色。
我們面臨的艱巨的擺在我們面前的日子，在民族團(tuán)結(jié)的熱情和勇氣，尋求舊的和珍貴的道德觀念的明確意識，用干凈的滿意度，從船尾履行職責(zé)情況老少。我們的目標(biāo)是要保證國民生活的圓滿，永久。
我們并不懷疑 - 基本民主制度的未來。美國人民沒有失敗。在他們的需要，他們已登記的任務(wù)，他們要直接而有力的行動。他們要求有領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的紀(jì)律和方向。他們都讓我自己的意愿本儀器。在精神的禮物，我把它。
在這種奉獻(xiàn) - 這國奉獻(xiàn)之際，我們謙卑地請求上帝的祝福。
愿上帝保佑我們每一個。
他引導(dǎo)我在未來的日子里。
President Hoover, Mr. Chief Justice, my friends:
This is a day of national consecration. And I am certain that on this day my fellow Americans expect that on my induction into the Presidency, I will address them with a candor and a decision which the present situation of our people impels.
This is preeminently the time to speak the truth, the whole truth, frankly and boldly. Nor need we shrink from honestly facing conditions in our country today. This great Nation will endure, as it has endured, will revive and will prosper.
So, first of all, let me assert my firm belief that the only thing we have to fear is fear itself -- nameless, unreasoning, unjustified terror which paralyzes needed efforts to convert retreat into advance. In every dark hour of our national life, a leadership of frankness and of vigor has met with that understanding and support of the people themselves which is essential to victory. And I am convinced that you will again give that support to leadership in these critical days.
In such a spirit on my part and on yours we face our common difficulties. They concern, thank God, only material things. Values have shrunk to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; and the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone. More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
And yet our distress comes from no failure of substance. We are stricken by no plague of locusts. Compared with the perils which our forefathers conquered, because they believed and were not afraid, we have still much to be thankful for. Nature still offers her bounty and human efforts have multiplied it. Plenty is at our doorstep, but a generous use of it languishes in the very sight of the supply.
Primarily, this is because the rulers of the exchange of mankind's goods have failed, through their own stubbornness and their own incompetence, have admitted their failure, and have abdicated. Practices of the unscrupulous money changers stand indicted in the court of public opinion, rejected by the hearts and minds of men.
True, they have tried. But their efforts have been cast in the pattern of an outworn tradition. Faced by failure of credit, they have proposed only the lending of more money. Stripped of the lure of profit by which to induce our people to follow their false leadership, they have resorted to exhortations, pleading tearfully for restored confidence. They only know the rules of a generation of self-seekers. They have no vision, and when there is no vision the people perish.
Yes, the money changers have fled from their high seats in the temple of our civilization. We may now restore that temple to the ancient truths. The measure of that restoration lies in the extent to which we apply social values more noble than mere monetary profit.
Happiness lies not in the mere possession of money; it lies in the joy of achievement, in the thrill of creative effort. The joy, the moral stimulation of work no longer must be forgotten in the mad chase of evanescent profits. These dark days, my friends, will be worth all they cost us if they teach us that our true destiny is not to be ministered unto but to minister to ourselves, to our fellow men.
Recognition of that falsity of material wealth as the standard of success goes hand in hand with the abandonment of the false belief that public office and high political position are to be valued only by the standards of pride of place and personal profit; and there must be an end to a conduct in banking and in business which too often has given to a sacred trust the likeness of callous and selfish wrongdoing. Small wonder that confidence languishes, for it thrives only on honesty, on honor, on the sacredness of obligations, on faithful protection, and on unselfish performance; without them it cannot live.
Restoration calls, however, not for changes in ethics alone. This Nation is asking for action, and action now.
Our greatest primary task is to put people to work. This is no unsolvable problem if we face it wisely and courageously. It can be accomplished in part by direct recruiting by the Government itself, treating the task as we would treat the emergency of a war, but at the same time, through this employment, accomplishing great -- greatly needed projects to stimulate and reorganize the use of our great natural resources.
Hand in hand with that we must frankly recognize the overbalance of population in our industrial centers and, by engaging on a national scale in a redistribution, endeavor to provide a better use of the land for those best fitted for the land.
Yes, the task can be helped by definite efforts to raise the values of agricultural products, and with this the power to purchase the output of our cities. It can be helped by preventing realistically the tragedy of the growing loss through foreclosure of our small homes and our farms. It can be helped by insistence that the Federal, the State, and the local governments act forthwith on the demand that their cost be drastically reduced. It can be helped by the unifying of relief activities which today are often scattered, uneconomical, unequal. It can be helped by national planning for and supervision of all forms of transportation and of communications and other utilities that have a definitely public character. There are many ways in which it can be helped, but it can never be helped by merely talking about it.
We must act. We must act quickly.
And finally, in our progress towards a resumption of work, we require two safeguards against a return of the evils of the old order. There must be a strict supervision of all banking and credits and investments. There must be an end to speculation with other people's money. And there must be provision for an adequate but sound currency.
These, my friends, are the lines of attack. I shall presently urge upon a new Congress in special session detailed measures for their fulfillment, and I shall seek the immediate assistance of the 48 States.
Through this program of action we address ourselves to putting our own national house in order and making income balance outgo. Our international trade relations, though vastly important, are in point of time, and necessity, secondary to the establishment of a sound national economy. I favor, as a practical policy, the putting of first things first. I shall spare no effort to restore world trade by international economic readjustment; but the emergency at home cannot wait on that accomplishment.
The basic thought that guides these specific means of national recovery is not nationally -- narrowly nationalistic. It is the insistence, as a first consideration, upon the interdependence of the various elements in and parts of the United States of America -- a recognition of the old and permanently important manifestation of the American spirit of the pioneer. It is the way to recovery. It is the immediate way. It is the strongest assurance that recovery will endure.
In the field of world policy, I would dedicate this Nation to the policy of the good neighbor: the neighbor who resolutely respects himself and, because he does so, respects the rights of others; the neighbor who respects his obligations and respects the sanctity of his agreements in and with a world of neighbors.
If I read the temper of our people correctly, we now realize, as we have never realized before, our interdependence on each other; that we can not merely take, but we must give as well; that if we are to go forward, we must move as a trained and loyal army willing to sacrifice for the good of a common discipline, because without such discipline no progress can be made, no leadership becomes effective.
We are, I know, ready and willing to submit our lives and our property to such discipline, because it makes possible a leadership which aims at the larger good. This, I propose to offer, pledging that the larger purposes will bind upon us, bind upon us all as a sacred obligation with a unity of duty hitherto evoked only in times of armed strife.
With this pledge taken, I assume unhesitatingly the leadership of this great army of our people dedicated to a disciplined attack upon our common problems.
Action in this image, action to this end is feasible under the form of government which we have inherited from our ancestors. Our Constitution is so simple, so practical that it is possible always to meet extraordinary needs by changes in emphasis and arrangement without loss of essential form. That is why our constitutional system has proved itself the most superbly enduring political mechanism the modern world has ever seen.
It has met every stress of vast expansion of territory, of foreign wars, of bitter internal strife, of world relations. And it is to be hoped that the normal balance of executive and legislative authority may be wholly equal, wholly adequate to meet the unprecedented task before us. But it may be that an unprecedented demand and need for undelayed action may call for temporary departure from that normal balance of public procedure.
I am prepared under my constitutional duty to recommend the measures that a stricken nation in the midst of a stricken world may require. These measures, or such other measures as the Congress may build out of its experience and wisdom, I shall seek, within my constitutional authority, to bring to speedy adoption.
But, in the event that the Congress shall fail to take one of these two courses, in the event that the national emergency is still critical, I shall not evade the clear course of duty that will then confront me. I shall ask the Congress for the one remaining instrument to meet the crisis -- broad Executive power to wage a war against the emergency, as great as the power that would be given to me if we were in fact invaded by a foreign foe.
For the trust reposed in me, I will return the courage and the devotion that befit the time. I can do no less.
We face the arduous days that lie before us in the warm courage of national unity; with the clear consciousness of seeking old and precious moral values; with the clean satisfaction that comes from the stern performance of duty by old and young alike. We aim at the assurance of a rounded, a permanent national life.
We do not distrust the -- the future of essential democracy. The people of the United States have not failed. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.
In this dedication -- In this dedication of a Nation, we humbly ask the blessing of God.
May He protect each and every one of us.
May He guide me in the days to come.
這是一個國家奉獻(xiàn)一天。我敢肯定，在這一天，我的同胞們都期待我感應(yīng)到總統(tǒng)，我會解決這些問題的那樣，坦率和決定的現(xiàn)狀，我們的人民推動。
坦白，勇敢地說出真相，全部的真相，這是時刻。我們不必畏首畏尾，老老實實面對我國今天的條件。這個偉大的國家會繼續(xù)下去，因為它一直忍著，會復(fù)興和繁榮。
所以，首先，讓我表明我的堅定信念，我們不得不害怕的就是害怕本身 - 一種莫名奇妙的，喪失理智的，毫無根據(jù)的恐懼癱瘓需要努力把人轉(zhuǎn)退為進(jìn)。我們的國民生活在每一個陰云密布的時刻，坦率和活力的領(lǐng)導(dǎo)會見的理解和支持的人本身，這是必不可少的勝利。我相信，你會再次給予同樣的支持，在這些重要的日子里領(lǐng)導(dǎo)。
我和你們在這樣的精神，我們面對我們共同的困難。他們的關(guān)心，感謝上帝，只有物質(zhì)的東西。值已經(jīng)縮水到美妙的水平;賦稅增加了;我們的支付能力下降了;各級政府面臨著嚴(yán)重的收入短缺;交換手段被凍結(jié)在貿(mào)易的電流;工業(yè)企業(yè)的謊言枯萎的落葉每一面;農(nóng)民自己的產(chǎn)品找不到銷路;千家萬戶多年的積蓄都不見了。更重要的是，一臺主機(jī)的失業(yè)公民面臨嚴(yán)峻的生存問題，同樣大量艱辛的勞動換取微薄的報酬。只有愚蠢的樂天派會否認(rèn)當(dāng)前這些陰暗的現(xiàn)實的時刻。
但我們的苦惱從沒有失敗物質(zhì)。我們沒有遭到什么蝗蟲的災(zāi)害。征服了我們的祖先們，因為他們堅信，不怕危險相比，我們還有很多要感謝的。本質(zhì)上仍然提供了恩惠，人類的努力已使之倍增。大量是在我們家門口，但一個時候，寬裕的生活卻悄然離去的供應(yīng)非常的景象。
首先，這是因為人類的商品交換的統(tǒng)治者都失敗了，通過自己的固執(zhí)和自己的無能，承認(rèn)自己的失敗，并撒手不管了。在輿論的法庭起訴無良貨幣兌換的做法，拒絕男人的心和頭腦。
誠然，他們已經(jīng)盡力了。但他們的努力，已投在陳腐的傳統(tǒng)格局。面對信貸的失敗，他們只是提議借出更多的錢。脫去利潤誘導(dǎo)人民追隨他們的錯誤領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的誘惑，他們紛紛使出囑托，含淚祈求恢復(fù)信心。他們只知道一代自我求職者的規(guī)則。他們沒有眼光，有沒有異象，民就滅亡。
是的，貨幣兌換逃離他們在我們文明廟宇的席位?，F(xiàn)在我們可以千古不變的真理來重建這座廟宇。衡量這重建是在何種程度上我們應(yīng)用更高尚的社會價值比金錢利潤。
幸福不在于擁有金錢，而在于成就的喜悅中，在創(chuàng)造性努力的快感。喜悅，激勵的工作不再必須被遺忘在瘋狂地追逐那轉(zhuǎn)瞬即逝的利潤。這些黑暗的日子里，我的朋友，將是值得我們付出的代價，如果他們教給我們，我們真正的使命不是要受人的服事乃是要服事人自己，我們的男同胞。
承認(rèn)物質(zhì)財富作為成功的標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，虛假齊頭并進(jìn)放棄公職和高級政治地位的錯誤觀念，認(rèn)為是被重視的驕傲和個人收益為標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，并且必須有最終在銀行界和企業(yè)界的行為，它常常給神圣的委托混同于無情和自私的不法行為。難怪信心在減弱，只有靠誠實，榮譽(yù)，神圣的義務(wù)，忠實的保護(hù)，和無私的表現(xiàn)，如果沒有它們，就不可能有。
然而，恢復(fù)通話，沒有倫理觀念的變化。這個國家要求行動起來，現(xiàn)在就行動起來。
我們，最基本的任務(wù)是讓人民投入工作。這是沒有無法解決的問題，如果我們以智慧和勇氣面對它。它可以完成一部分由政府本身直接招聘，處理的任務(wù)，我們會處理緊急戰(zhàn)爭，但在同一時間，通過這個就業(yè)，辦成了 - 非常需要的項目，能刺激并重組使用我們偉大的天然資源。
手在手，我們必須坦白地承認(rèn)在我們的工業(yè)中心的人口失衡，通過從事在全國范圍內(nèi)重新分配，努力提供一個更好的為那些最適合的土地的土地用途。
是的，任務(wù)可以幫助明確努力提高農(nóng)產(chǎn)品的價值，購買這個電源的輸出我們的城市。它可以幫助防止切實日益增長的損失通過止贖我們的小家和農(nóng)場的悲劇。它可以幫助堅持，聯(lián)邦，州和當(dāng)?shù)卣⒓葱袆拥男枨?，他們的成本大幅降低。它可以幫助救?zāi)活動現(xiàn)在常常是分散不經(jīng)濟(jì)，不平等的統(tǒng)一。它可以幫助國家規(guī)劃和監(jiān)督的各種形式的運(yùn)輸，通信和其他公用設(shè)施，具有一定公共性質(zhì)的。有很多方法可以幫助它，但它永遠(yuǎn)不能僅僅談?wù)撍膸椭?BR> 我們必須采取行動。我們必須迅速采取行動。
終于，在我們恢復(fù)工作的進(jìn)展情況，我們需要對舊秩序的罪惡的回報保障。必須有嚴(yán)格監(jiān)督銀行業(yè)，信貸和投資。用別人的錢投機(jī)必須有一個結(jié)束。必須提供充足而健康的貨幣。
這些，我的朋友，是攻擊線。目前我將敦促新國會特別會議的具體措施為他們的履行，我將尋求立即的援助的48個國家。
通過此項行動綱領(lǐng)，我們解決自己把自己國家的房子，以便使收入支出。我們的國際貿(mào)易關(guān)系，雖然很重要，在時間點和必要性，建立健全國家經(jīng)濟(jì)二次。我的青睞，作為可行的策略，首先第一件事情把。我將不遺余力通過國際經(jīng)濟(jì)重新恢復(fù)國際貿(mào)易，但國內(nèi)的緊急情況無法等待這一成就。
指導(dǎo)這一特別的全國性復(fù)蘇的基本思想是不是國家 - 狹隘的民族主義。是堅持，作為第一考慮，在相互依存中的各種元素和部分美利堅合眾國 - 確認(rèn)美國的開拓精神的舊的和永久的重要體現(xiàn)。這是復(fù)蘇之路。它是即時之路。這是的保證復(fù)蘇將持續(xù)下去。
在國際政策方面，我將致力于這個國家的睦鄰友好政策，堅決尊重自己的鄰居是誰，因為他這樣做，尊重他人的權(quán)利;尊重他的義務(wù)和尊重的神圣的鄰居是誰他的協(xié)議，與鄰居世界。
如果我正確地閱讀我們的人的脾氣，我們現(xiàn)在認(rèn)識到，因為我們從來沒有意識到之前，我們彼此相互依存，我們不能僅僅采取，但我們必須奉獻(xiàn)，如果我們要前進(jìn)，我們必須將作為一支訓(xùn)練有素的忠誠的軍隊，愿意犧牲一個共同的原則為好，因為沒有這樣的紀(jì)律沒有能夠取得進(jìn)展，領(lǐng)導(dǎo)就不可能有效。
，我知道，我們準(zhǔn)備并愿意向我們的生命和財產(chǎn)，這樣的紀(jì)律，因為它使可能其目的是在更大的好領(lǐng)導(dǎo)。這一點，我建議，承諾更大的目的后，我們將綁定，綁定后，我們作為一個神圣的義務(wù)，只有在武裝斗爭時期職責(zé)緊緊團(tuán)結(jié)。
有了這樣的誓言，我將毫不猶豫地承擔(dān)領(lǐng)導(dǎo)這個偉大的軍隊，我們的人民奉獻(xiàn)一個有紀(jì)律的攻擊后，我們的常見問題。
在這個形象的行動，行動是可行的，為此政府的形式下，我們已經(jīng)從我們的祖先繼承。我們的憲法是如此簡單，實在，這是可能始終以滿足特殊需求的重點和安排上的變化，不喪失基本形式。這就是為什么我們的憲政體制已經(jīng)證明了自己的現(xiàn)代世界已經(jīng)見過最雄偉的持久的政治機(jī)制。
它已應(yīng)付過巨大的國土擴(kuò)張，外戰(zhàn)，苦的內(nèi)部紛爭，世界關(guān)系的壓力。它是希望行政和立法權(quán)力的正常平衡可能是完全平等的，完全足以滿足前所未有的任務(wù)擺在我們面前的。但它可能是一個前所未有的需求與需要無延時動作可能要求暫時離開，公共程序的正常平衡。
根據(jù)憲法賦予我的職責(zé)，我準(zhǔn)備建議的措施，在一個貧困的世界之中，可能需要一個受災(zāi)國家。這些措施或其他措施，國會可能打造出來的經(jīng)驗和智慧，我應(yīng)尋求憲法賦予我的權(quán)力范圍內(nèi)，帶來迅速通過。
但是，在國會拒不采納這兩條路線之一，在國家應(yīng)急事件仍然是至關(guān)重要的，我不會逃避明確執(zhí)勤過程中，然后將面對我。我將要求國會為剩下的一個儀器，以滿足危機(jī) - 廣泛的行政權(quán)力發(fā)動戰(zhàn)爭的緊急情況下，作為大的權(quán)力，將給予我，如果我們實際上是由外敵入侵。
對于信任我，我將返回的勇氣和獻(xiàn)身精神，一應(yīng)俱全的時間。我能做的也毫不遜色。
我們面臨的艱巨的擺在我們面前的日子，在民族團(tuán)結(jié)的熱情和勇氣，尋求舊的和珍貴的道德觀念的明確意識，用干凈的滿意度，從船尾履行職責(zé)情況老少。我們的目標(biāo)是要保證國民生活的圓滿，永久。
我們并不懷疑 - 基本民主制度的未來。美國人民沒有失敗。在他們的需要，他們已登記的任務(wù)，他們要直接而有力的行動。他們要求有領(lǐng)導(dǎo)的紀(jì)律和方向。他們都讓我自己的意愿本儀器。在精神的禮物，我把它。
在這種奉獻(xiàn) - 這國奉獻(xiàn)之際，我們謙卑地請求上帝的祝福。
愿上帝保佑我們每一個。
他引導(dǎo)我在未來的日子里。