以下是為大家整理的《美國經(jīng)典英文演講翻譯:Inaugural Address》的文章，供大家參考
John F. Kennedy: Inaugural Address
[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]
[Administering of the Oath of Office]
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge -- and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."1
And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"2 a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
[的真?zhèn)握J(rèn)證：下面的文字版直接從音頻轉(zhuǎn)錄。（2）]
宣誓就職[管理]
議長先生，副總統(tǒng)約翰遜，終審法院首席法官先生，艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)，尼克松副總統(tǒng)，杜魯門總統(tǒng)，牧師的僧侶，同胞們：
我們今天所看到的不是一個黨的勝利，而是自由慶祝 - 象征著一個結(jié)束，以及一個開端 - 意味著延續(xù)以及變化。因為我你和全能的上帝面前宣誓，我們的祖先相同的莊嚴(yán)誓言，規(guī)定了近一個世紀(jì)前四分之三。
現(xiàn)在的世界是非常不同的。人在自己血肉之軀的手中持有的權(quán)力，取消所有形式的人類貧困和一切形式的人類生命。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的革命信念仍然在世界各地的問題 - 信仰，人的權(quán)利來不是從國家的慷慨，而是來自上帝之手。
我們不敢忘記，我們今天是第革命的繼承人。讓字去，從這個時間和地點(diǎn)，朋友和敵人都認(rèn)為火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國人 - 出生在本世紀(jì)，戰(zhàn)爭，鍛煉了艱難困苦的和平，引以為傲的紀(jì)律我國悠久的傳統(tǒng)，不愿目睹或容許緩慢毀滅這個國家一直致力于這些人權(quán)，我們致力于在國內(nèi)和世界各地的今天。
讓每個國家都知道，無論是希望我們好或壞，我們將付出任何代價，承受任何負(fù)擔(dān)，應(yīng)付任何艱難，支持任何朋友，反對任何敵人，以確保自由的生存和成功。
這是我們矢志不移 - 以及更多。
我們共享的文化和精神淵源的老盟友，我們保證朋友的忠誠。美國有一點(diǎn)是我們不能做的合作企業(yè)在東道國。分為有一點(diǎn)我們可以做到 - 因為我們不敢迎接強(qiáng)大的挑戰(zhàn)賠率分歧，各行其是。
對于那些新的國家，我們歡迎自由行列中來，我們保證我們的話，一種形式的殖民統(tǒng)治，不得過世只是一個更為殘酷的*來取代。我們并不總是指望他們會支持我們的觀點(diǎn)。但我們始終希望看到他們堅強(qiáng)地維護(hù)自己的自由 - 而且要記住的是，在過去，那些愚蠢地尋求權(quán)力的騎虎背告終。
要奮力打破大眾的苦難債券半個地球的小屋和村莊的那些人，我們保證盡大努力幫助他們自立，需要的任何時期 - 這并非因為共產(chǎn)黨可能正在這樣做，不是因為我們需要他們的選票，而是因為它是正確的。如果一個自由社會不能幫助許多誰是窮人，就不能保全少數(shù)誰是豐富。
我們南面的姐妹共和國，我們提供了一個特殊的服務(wù)：我們的美好諾言化作善行，進(jìn)步的新同盟中，幫助自由的人們和自由的政府?dāng)[脫貧困的枷鎖。但是，這種充滿希望的和平革命不能成為敵對勢力的獵物。我們要讓所有鄰國都知道，我們將與他們一道在美洲反對任何侵略或*。讓其它國家都知道，本半球的打算保持自己的房子的主人。
那個世界組裝的主權(quán)國家，聯(lián)合國，我們希望在這樣一個時代，戰(zhàn)爭的手段已遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超過了和平的工具，我們重申我們的支持諾言 - 以防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場所，以加強(qiáng)其盾新國弱國，并擴(kuò)大面積，其權(quán)力運(yùn)行。
后，這些國家將我們?yōu)閿?，我們提供的不是保證，而是要求：雙方重新開始尋求和平，科學(xué)吞噬前的黑暗中釋放出可怕的破壞力量預(yù)謀的或意外的自我毀滅全人類。
我們不敢怯弱來引誘他們。因為只有當(dāng)我們的武器是足以毋庸置疑，我們可以肯定毫無疑問，他們將永遠(yuǎn)不會被采用。
但無論是兩個偉大的，強(qiáng)大的國家集團(tuán)可以采取舒適從我們目前的課程 - 現(xiàn)代武器的費(fèi)用由雙方負(fù)擔(dān)過重，理所當(dāng)然使雙方感到震驚的不斷擴(kuò)散，致命的原子，但雙方卻爭著改變那不穩(wěn)定的恐怖平衡保持人類的后戰(zhàn)爭的手。
因此，讓我們重新開始 - 雙方都應(yīng)記住，謙恭并非軟弱可欺，而誠意則永遠(yuǎn)證明。讓我們從來不害怕談判，但我們決不能畏懼談判。
讓雙方都來探討什么問題，我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來，而不是操勞那些使我們分裂的問題。
讓雙方的第，提出認(rèn)真細(xì)致的檢查和控制武器的建議，并帶來絕對的權(quán)力，摧毀其他國家的所有國家的絕對控制之下。
讓雙方尋求援引科學(xué)的奇跡，而不是它的恐怖。一起讓我們探索星球，征服沙漠，消除疾病，開發(fā)海洋深處，并鼓勵藝術(shù)和商業(yè)的。
讓雙方團(tuán)結(jié)起來，聽從，在世界各個角落的地球，以賽亞的命令 - “卸下沉重的負(fù)擔(dān)，[]讓被壓迫者得自由。”
而且，如果合作的灘頭陣地能逼退猜忌的叢林，那么就讓雙方共同創(chuàng)建一個新的努力 - 不是一個新的權(quán)力平衡，但一個新的世界法律 - 強(qiáng)者公正，弱者安全，和平將得到維護(hù)。
所有這一切都將無法完成在第一個百天。也將在初的一千天完成，也不在生命的這個政府甚至也許不可能在我們的一生在這個星球上。但是，讓我們開始吧。
在你的手中，我的同胞們，礦多，我們當(dāng)然會休息的終成敗。自從我國建立以來，每一代美國人都被召喚去證明他們對國家的忠誠。年輕的美國人響應(yīng)號召，服務(wù)的墳?zāi)贡椴既颉?BR> 現(xiàn)在，號角又再度召喚我們 - 不是號召我們拿起武器，雖然我們需要武器 - 不是召喚我們?nèi)プ鲬?zhàn)，雖然我們嚴(yán)陣以待 - 但調(diào)用漫長的黎明前的斗爭中承擔(dān)的負(fù)擔(dān)，今年又一年，“希望中得到歡樂，在患難中要忍耐，”人類共同的敵人的斗爭：*，貧窮，疾病和戰(zhàn)爭本身。
對付這些敵人，我們能否結(jié)成了盛大的全球聯(lián)盟，南，北，東，西，來確保一個更加豐碩的成果為全人類的生活嗎？你們愿意參加這一歷史性的努力？
世界在漫長的歷史中，只有少數(shù)幾代人被賦予捍衛(wèi)自由的角色，在危急的時刻。我不會推卸責(zé)任 - 我歡迎它。我不相信我們中間有人想交換的地方與任何其他人或任何其他代。的精力，信念和獻(xiàn)身精神，我們?yōu)檫@一努力，將照亮我們的國家和所有誰擔(dān)任。和輝光的那團(tuán)火能照亮世界。
因此，我的美國同胞們，不要問你們的國家能為你做什么，問你能為國家做些什么。
世界我的同胞們，不要問美國將為你們做些什么，但是我們共同能為人類的自由。
后，無論你是美國公民或世界公民，要求我們在相同的高標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，我們要求你的力量和犧牲。我們可以肯定的獎勵有了一個很好的良心，歷史終判斷我們的言行，讓我們?nèi)ヌ岢鰜韼ьI(lǐng)我們所愛的土地，要求他的祝福，并在他的幫助，但知道在這里對地球神的工作必須真正是我們自己的。
John F. Kennedy: Inaugural Address
[AUTHENTICITY CERTIFIED: Text version below transcribed directly from audio. (2)]
[Administering of the Oath of Office]
Vice President Johnson, Mr. Speaker, Mr. Chief Justice, President Eisenhower, Vice President Nixon, President Truman, Reverend Clergy, fellow citizens:
We observe today not a victory of party, but a celebration of freedom -- symbolizing an end, as well as a beginning -- signifying renewal, as well as change. For I have sworn before you and Almighty God the same solemn oath our forebears prescribed nearly a century and three-quarters ago.
The world is very different now. For man holds in his mortal hands the power to abolish all forms of human poverty and all forms of human life. And yet the same revolutionary beliefs for which our forebears fought are still at issue around the globe -- the belief that the rights of man come not from the generosity of the state, but from the hand of God.
We dare not forget today that we are the heirs of that first revolution. Let the word go forth from this time and place, to friend and foe alike, that the torch has been passed to a new generation of Americans -- born in this century, tempered by war, disciplined by a hard and bitter peace, proud of our ancient heritage, and unwilling to witness or permit the slow undoing of those human rights to which this nation has always been committed, and to which we are committed today at home and around the world.
Let every nation know, whether it wishes us well or ill, that we shall pay any price, bear any burden, meet any hardship, support any friend, oppose any foe, to assure the survival and the success of liberty.
This much we pledge -- and more.
To those old allies whose cultural and spiritual origins we share, we pledge the loyalty of faithful friends. United there is little we cannot do in a host of cooperative ventures. Divided there is little we can do -- for we dare not meet a powerful challenge at odds and split asunder.
To those new states whom we welcome to the ranks of the free, we pledge our word that one form of colonial control shall not have passed away merely to be replaced by a far more iron tyranny. We shall not always expect to find them supporting our view. But we shall always hope to find them strongly supporting their own freedom -- and to remember that, in the past, those who foolishly sought power by riding the back of the tiger ended up inside.
To those people in the huts and villages of half the globe struggling to break the bonds of mass misery, we pledge our best efforts to help them help themselves, for whatever period is required -- not because the Communists may be doing it, not because we seek their votes, but because it is right. If a free society cannot help the many who are poor, it cannot save the few who are rich.
To our sister republics south of our border, we offer a special pledge: to convert our good words into good deeds, in a new alliance for progress, to assist free men and free governments in casting off the chains of poverty. But this peaceful revolution of hope cannot become the prey of hostile powers. Let all our neighbors know that we shall join with them to oppose aggression or subversion anywhere in the Americas. And let every other power know that this hemisphere intends to remain the master of its own house.
To that world assembly of sovereign states, the United Nations, our last best hope in an age where the instruments of war have far outpaced the instruments of peace, we renew our pledge of support -- to prevent it from becoming merely a forum for invective, to strengthen its shield of the new and the weak, and to enlarge the area in which its writ may run.
Finally, to those nations who would make themselves our adversary, we offer not a pledge but a request: that both sides begin anew the quest for peace, before the dark powers of destruction unleashed by science engulf all humanity in planned or accidental self-destruction.
We dare not tempt them with weakness. For only when our arms are sufficient beyond doubt can we be certain beyond doubt that they will never be employed.
But neither can two great and powerful groups of nations take comfort from our present course -- both sides overburdened by the cost of modern weapons, both rightly alarmed by the steady spread of the deadly atom, yet both racing to alter that uncertain balance of terror that stays the hand of mankind's final war.
So let us begin anew -- remembering on both sides that civility is not a sign of weakness, and sincerity is always subject to proof. Let us never negotiate out of fear, but let us never fear to negotiate.
Let both sides explore what problems unite us instead of belaboring those problems which divide us.
Let both sides, for the first time, formulate serious and precise proposals for the inspection and control of arms, and bring the absolute power to destroy other nations under the absolute control of all nations.
Let both sides seek to invoke the wonders of science instead of its terrors. Together let us explore the stars, conquer the deserts, eradicate disease, tap the ocean depths, and encourage the arts and commerce.
Let both sides unite to heed, in all corners of the earth, the command of Isaiah -- to "undo the heavy burdens, and [to] let the oppressed go free."1
And, if a beachhead of cooperation may push back the jungle of suspicion, let both sides join in creating a new endeavor -- not a new balance of power, but a new world of law -- where the strong are just, and the weak secure, and the peace preserved.
All this will not be finished in the first one hundred days. Nor will it be finished in the first one thousand days; nor in the life of this Administration; nor even perhaps in our lifetime on this planet. But let us begin.
In your hands, my fellow citizens, more than mine, will rest the final success or failure of our course. Since this country was founded, each generation of Americans has been summoned to give testimony to its national loyalty. The graves of young Americans who answered the call to service surround the globe.
Now the trumpet summons us again -- not as a call to bear arms, though arms we need -- not as a call to battle, though embattled we are -- but a call to bear the burden of a long twilight struggle, year in and year out, "rejoicing in hope; patient in tribulation,"2 a struggle against the common enemies of man: tyranny, poverty, disease, and war itself.
Can we forge against these enemies a grand and global alliance, North and South, East and West, that can assure a more fruitful life for all mankind? Will you join in that historic effort?
In the long history of the world, only a few generations have been granted the role of defending freedom in its hour of maximum danger. I do not shrink from this responsibility -- I welcome it. I do not believe that any of us would exchange places with any other people or any other generation. The energy, the faith, the devotion which we bring to this endeavor will light our country and all who serve it. And the glow from that fire can truly light the world.
And so, my fellow Americans, ask not what your country can do for you; ask what you can do for your country.
My fellow citizens of the world, ask not what America will do for you, but what together we can do for the freedom of man.
Finally, whether you are citizens of America or citizens of the world, ask of us here the same high standards of strength and sacrifice which we ask of you. With a good conscience our only sure reward, with history the final judge of our deeds, let us go forth to lead the land we love, asking His blessing and His help, but knowing that here on earth God's work must truly be our own.
[的真?zhèn)握J(rèn)證：下面的文字版直接從音頻轉(zhuǎn)錄。（2）]
宣誓就職[管理]
議長先生，副總統(tǒng)約翰遜，終審法院首席法官先生，艾森豪威爾總統(tǒng)，尼克松副總統(tǒng)，杜魯門總統(tǒng)，牧師的僧侶，同胞們：
我們今天所看到的不是一個黨的勝利，而是自由慶祝 - 象征著一個結(jié)束，以及一個開端 - 意味著延續(xù)以及變化。因為我你和全能的上帝面前宣誓，我們的祖先相同的莊嚴(yán)誓言，規(guī)定了近一個世紀(jì)前四分之三。
現(xiàn)在的世界是非常不同的。人在自己血肉之軀的手中持有的權(quán)力，取消所有形式的人類貧困和一切形式的人類生命。但我們的先輩為之奮斗的革命信念仍然在世界各地的問題 - 信仰，人的權(quán)利來不是從國家的慷慨，而是來自上帝之手。
我們不敢忘記，我們今天是第革命的繼承人。讓字去，從這個時間和地點(diǎn)，朋友和敵人都認(rèn)為火炬已經(jīng)傳給新一代美國人 - 出生在本世紀(jì)，戰(zhàn)爭，鍛煉了艱難困苦的和平，引以為傲的紀(jì)律我國悠久的傳統(tǒng)，不愿目睹或容許緩慢毀滅這個國家一直致力于這些人權(quán)，我們致力于在國內(nèi)和世界各地的今天。
讓每個國家都知道，無論是希望我們好或壞，我們將付出任何代價，承受任何負(fù)擔(dān)，應(yīng)付任何艱難，支持任何朋友，反對任何敵人，以確保自由的生存和成功。
這是我們矢志不移 - 以及更多。
我們共享的文化和精神淵源的老盟友，我們保證朋友的忠誠。美國有一點(diǎn)是我們不能做的合作企業(yè)在東道國。分為有一點(diǎn)我們可以做到 - 因為我們不敢迎接強(qiáng)大的挑戰(zhàn)賠率分歧，各行其是。
對于那些新的國家，我們歡迎自由行列中來，我們保證我們的話，一種形式的殖民統(tǒng)治，不得過世只是一個更為殘酷的*來取代。我們并不總是指望他們會支持我們的觀點(diǎn)。但我們始終希望看到他們堅強(qiáng)地維護(hù)自己的自由 - 而且要記住的是，在過去，那些愚蠢地尋求權(quán)力的騎虎背告終。
要奮力打破大眾的苦難債券半個地球的小屋和村莊的那些人，我們保證盡大努力幫助他們自立，需要的任何時期 - 這并非因為共產(chǎn)黨可能正在這樣做，不是因為我們需要他們的選票，而是因為它是正確的。如果一個自由社會不能幫助許多誰是窮人，就不能保全少數(shù)誰是豐富。
我們南面的姐妹共和國，我們提供了一個特殊的服務(wù)：我們的美好諾言化作善行，進(jìn)步的新同盟中，幫助自由的人們和自由的政府?dāng)[脫貧困的枷鎖。但是，這種充滿希望的和平革命不能成為敵對勢力的獵物。我們要讓所有鄰國都知道，我們將與他們一道在美洲反對任何侵略或*。讓其它國家都知道，本半球的打算保持自己的房子的主人。
那個世界組裝的主權(quán)國家，聯(lián)合國，我們希望在這樣一個時代，戰(zhàn)爭的手段已遠(yuǎn)遠(yuǎn)超過了和平的工具，我們重申我們的支持諾言 - 以防止它僅僅成為謾罵的場所，以加強(qiáng)其盾新國弱國，并擴(kuò)大面積，其權(quán)力運(yùn)行。
后，這些國家將我們?yōu)閿?，我們提供的不是保證，而是要求：雙方重新開始尋求和平，科學(xué)吞噬前的黑暗中釋放出可怕的破壞力量預(yù)謀的或意外的自我毀滅全人類。
我們不敢怯弱來引誘他們。因為只有當(dāng)我們的武器是足以毋庸置疑，我們可以肯定毫無疑問，他們將永遠(yuǎn)不會被采用。
但無論是兩個偉大的，強(qiáng)大的國家集團(tuán)可以采取舒適從我們目前的課程 - 現(xiàn)代武器的費(fèi)用由雙方負(fù)擔(dān)過重，理所當(dāng)然使雙方感到震驚的不斷擴(kuò)散，致命的原子，但雙方卻爭著改變那不穩(wěn)定的恐怖平衡保持人類的后戰(zhàn)爭的手。
因此，讓我們重新開始 - 雙方都應(yīng)記住，謙恭并非軟弱可欺，而誠意則永遠(yuǎn)證明。讓我們從來不害怕談判，但我們決不能畏懼談判。
讓雙方都來探討什么問題，我們團(tuán)結(jié)起來，而不是操勞那些使我們分裂的問題。
讓雙方的第，提出認(rèn)真細(xì)致的檢查和控制武器的建議，并帶來絕對的權(quán)力，摧毀其他國家的所有國家的絕對控制之下。
讓雙方尋求援引科學(xué)的奇跡，而不是它的恐怖。一起讓我們探索星球，征服沙漠，消除疾病，開發(fā)海洋深處，并鼓勵藝術(shù)和商業(yè)的。
讓雙方團(tuán)結(jié)起來，聽從，在世界各個角落的地球，以賽亞的命令 - “卸下沉重的負(fù)擔(dān)，[]讓被壓迫者得自由。”
而且，如果合作的灘頭陣地能逼退猜忌的叢林，那么就讓雙方共同創(chuàng)建一個新的努力 - 不是一個新的權(quán)力平衡，但一個新的世界法律 - 強(qiáng)者公正，弱者安全，和平將得到維護(hù)。
所有這一切都將無法完成在第一個百天。也將在初的一千天完成，也不在生命的這個政府甚至也許不可能在我們的一生在這個星球上。但是，讓我們開始吧。
在你的手中，我的同胞們，礦多，我們當(dāng)然會休息的終成敗。自從我國建立以來，每一代美國人都被召喚去證明他們對國家的忠誠。年輕的美國人響應(yīng)號召，服務(wù)的墳?zāi)贡椴既颉?BR> 現(xiàn)在，號角又再度召喚我們 - 不是號召我們拿起武器，雖然我們需要武器 - 不是召喚我們?nèi)プ鲬?zhàn)，雖然我們嚴(yán)陣以待 - 但調(diào)用漫長的黎明前的斗爭中承擔(dān)的負(fù)擔(dān)，今年又一年，“希望中得到歡樂，在患難中要忍耐，”人類共同的敵人的斗爭：*，貧窮，疾病和戰(zhàn)爭本身。
對付這些敵人，我們能否結(jié)成了盛大的全球聯(lián)盟，南，北，東，西，來確保一個更加豐碩的成果為全人類的生活嗎？你們愿意參加這一歷史性的努力？
世界在漫長的歷史中，只有少數(shù)幾代人被賦予捍衛(wèi)自由的角色，在危急的時刻。我不會推卸責(zé)任 - 我歡迎它。我不相信我們中間有人想交換的地方與任何其他人或任何其他代。的精力，信念和獻(xiàn)身精神，我們?yōu)檫@一努力，將照亮我們的國家和所有誰擔(dān)任。和輝光的那團(tuán)火能照亮世界。
因此，我的美國同胞們，不要問你們的國家能為你做什么，問你能為國家做些什么。
世界我的同胞們，不要問美國將為你們做些什么，但是我們共同能為人類的自由。
后，無論你是美國公民或世界公民，要求我們在相同的高標(biāo)準(zhǔn)，我們要求你的力量和犧牲。我們可以肯定的獎勵有了一個很好的良心，歷史終判斷我們的言行，讓我們?nèi)ヌ岢鰜韼ьI(lǐng)我們所愛的土地，要求他的祝福，并在他的幫助，但知道在這里對地球神的工作必須真正是我們自己的。