The issue on the perceived marginalisation of the Malays in Singapore had certainly opened a floodgate of emotions.
It helped unleash the latent unhappiness of those Malays who insisted that there is indeed marginalisation of the Malays. It also allows us to examine further the whole system of governance and to ponder whether there is indeed a deliberate attempt to discriminate against the Malays in Singapore.
When we see the bigger picture, we can shrug off the petty incidences, which have been put forward as circumstantial evidence meant to highlight the “injustices of the system”。 Surely I cannot qualify my stand by saying that there is no discrimination at all. There are some instances when Malays have to accept that to leave Malays out for the time being is necessary. But the Malays must distinguish between a personal vendetta acting against them and a conscious effort within the system to make policies for the common good of the nation.
Malay children and students have equal footing with educational opportunities that will improve their chances up the social ladder. And as if not enough, the government wants every Malay child and student in Singapore to have a strong educational base from the start.
By making it a policy and working closely with Malay organisations intent on improving the community, it would take an ingrate great courage to work on ways to dispel such measures.
The Malays in Singapore can be said to be fortunate because it is rare that a minority ethnic group is being taken care of so much by the government.
To begin with, their interests are taken care of by a cabinet minister and they are proportionally represented in parliament. To top it off, the Malays are specifically guaranteed all these by the powerful Article 152 in the Singapore Constitution.
And the ingrate can probably argue till the cows come home but the fact that that particular safeguard has made possible the establishment of the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore （Muis） and the Council for the Development of Singapore Muslim Community （Mendaki） for the Malays says much for itself.
And what about the other minority ethnic groups who have to fend for themselves？ Do they complain？ I am sure they do but they take it in their stride and they would not let any perceived discrimination or marginalisation upset their life in the Republic.
They make sure that through education and economic power, they can shame any potential discriminator into a puddle of self-effacing disgrace. Why then do some Malays keep on harping that they are marginalised？
The reason is： MINORITY SYNDROME. This syndrome actually highlights the debilitating internal effects of self-pity and self-defeat.
It is sad that although the prescription of this “disease” is to bask in the sunshine of positive interaction with other ethnic groups, some Malays chose to stay indoors and self-indulge in their Malay-ness.
Their refusal to allow themselves to be “treated” contradicts their demand, sans effort, that others should understand their problems. Instead of engaging in pursuits which would allow them better standing, they would rather indulge in matters which seemingly distance them away from the others.
Fortunately, many Malays have better things to do than to ponder on the marginalisation issue. They realise that there is no point to having endless discussions on the issue.
Like a group of Malay professionals I met recently, what they want most of all is to be judged on their own competence and to live peacefully. After all, marginalisation exists everywhere and anywhere in the world.
Just open up the newspapers and history books. So, no point harping on marginalisation, whether it exists or not. Why bother？ Why not just move on？ Do we want to get somewhere or do we want to get stuck in the rut？ We Malays are practical Singaporeans after all.
（The writer is a 25-year-old project manager with an international market research company. He is an active member in Malay organisations.）
年輕專業(yè)馬來(lái)青年談邊緣化問(wèn)題● 沙亞法林。沙里夫
不久前有些人認(rèn)為馬來(lái)人被邊緣化的課題,無(wú)疑的讓許多人得以表達(dá)他們內(nèi)心的種種感受。
堅(jiān)持馬來(lái)族的確被邊緣化的馬來(lái)人的潛在不滿情緒,得到了宣泄。課題也讓我們有機(jī)會(huì)深入研究政府的整個(gè)管理方式,探討是否有任何蓄意的作法,試圖讓新加坡的馬來(lái)人,得到不公平的待遇。
當(dāng)我們能夠從大局看清楚問(wèn)題,那些用來(lái)突出“不公平制度”的間接證明,便成為不足為慮的小事。當(dāng)然,我并不是說(shuō)馬來(lái)人完全沒(méi)有受到任何歧視。在一些情況下,馬來(lái)人需要接受,有必要暫時(shí)不讓他們參與。不過(guò),他們也必須能夠分辨針對(duì)他們的敵意行動(dòng),和為了國(guó)家整體利益而實(shí)行的政策。
吳作棟總理在開(kāi)齋節(jié)晚宴同馬來(lái)族群交流。
馬來(lái)孩童和學(xué)生,享有和他族同等的教育機(jī)會(huì),讓他們也能夠出人頭地。政府甚至更進(jìn)一步,實(shí)行要新加坡的每一個(gè)馬來(lái)孩童和學(xué)生,都有一個(gè)穩(wěn)固的教育基礎(chǔ)的政策。
政府也和致力改進(jìn)馬來(lái)社會(huì)的馬來(lái)組織緊密合作。只有一個(gè)不知感激為何物的人,才能理直氣壯的否定這些措施。
新加坡的馬來(lái)人可說(shuō)是幸運(yùn)的,少數(shù)民族受到政府如此照顧非常罕見(jiàn)。
馬來(lái)人有一位主管回教事務(wù)的部長(zhǎng),在國(guó)會(huì)里也有成比例的代表。這些在國(guó)家憲法的第152條有明文規(guī)定。
那些不以為然的馬來(lái)人,可以沒(méi)完沒(méi)了的爭(zhēng)論下去。但是,事實(shí)勝于雄辯,因?yàn)檫@些規(guī)定,新加坡回教理事會(huì)和回教社會(huì)發(fā)展理事會(huì)才得以成立。
其他需要自己照顧自己的少數(shù)民族又如何呢？他們有沒(méi)有抱怨呢？我相信他們也會(huì)埋怨,不過(guò)他們卻能從容應(yīng)對(duì),不讓任何所謂的歧視或邊緣化擾亂他們的生活。通過(guò)提高教育和經(jīng)濟(jì)水平,他們有信心讓有意歧視他們的人感到無(wú)地自容。那么,為什么一些馬來(lái)人一直嘮叨他們被邊緣化呢？
答案是：少數(shù)民族心態(tài)。這種心態(tài)突顯了自我憐憫和自我認(rèn)輸所能造成的挫折感。
這種“疾病”的療法是多和其他族群正面交往。可惜一些馬來(lái)人卻選擇呆在家里,加深馬來(lái)人自身的認(rèn)同感。
他們要求別人了解他們的問(wèn)題,卻不愿意接受“治療”。與其參加能夠提高社會(huì)地位的活動(dòng),他們寧可參與使他們和別人疏離的事務(wù)。
幸好,許多馬來(lái)人不會(huì)把時(shí)間浪費(fèi)在邊緣化的課題上。他們知道糾纏不清根本毫無(wú)意義。
我近和一群馬來(lái)專業(yè)人士會(huì)面,他們大的要求,是別人能夠以他們的能力來(lái)衡量他們,以及和他族和平共處。畢竟,邊緣化的問(wèn)題存在于世界上任何地方,只要翻開(kāi)報(bào)紙和歷史書,就能找到例子。所以,不論邊緣化存不存在,都無(wú)需不厭其煩的討論。何必呢？為什么不往前走？我們要為目標(biāo)奮斗還是在原地踏步？我相信新加坡的馬來(lái)人會(huì)采取務(wù)實(shí)的態(tài)度。
。作者25歲,是一家國(guó)際市場(chǎng)調(diào)查公司項(xiàng)目經(jīng)理,他也是馬來(lái)團(tuán)體的活躍分子。
。葉琦保譯
It helped unleash the latent unhappiness of those Malays who insisted that there is indeed marginalisation of the Malays. It also allows us to examine further the whole system of governance and to ponder whether there is indeed a deliberate attempt to discriminate against the Malays in Singapore.
When we see the bigger picture, we can shrug off the petty incidences, which have been put forward as circumstantial evidence meant to highlight the “injustices of the system”。 Surely I cannot qualify my stand by saying that there is no discrimination at all. There are some instances when Malays have to accept that to leave Malays out for the time being is necessary. But the Malays must distinguish between a personal vendetta acting against them and a conscious effort within the system to make policies for the common good of the nation.
Malay children and students have equal footing with educational opportunities that will improve their chances up the social ladder. And as if not enough, the government wants every Malay child and student in Singapore to have a strong educational base from the start.
By making it a policy and working closely with Malay organisations intent on improving the community, it would take an ingrate great courage to work on ways to dispel such measures.
The Malays in Singapore can be said to be fortunate because it is rare that a minority ethnic group is being taken care of so much by the government.
To begin with, their interests are taken care of by a cabinet minister and they are proportionally represented in parliament. To top it off, the Malays are specifically guaranteed all these by the powerful Article 152 in the Singapore Constitution.
And the ingrate can probably argue till the cows come home but the fact that that particular safeguard has made possible the establishment of the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore （Muis） and the Council for the Development of Singapore Muslim Community （Mendaki） for the Malays says much for itself.
And what about the other minority ethnic groups who have to fend for themselves？ Do they complain？ I am sure they do but they take it in their stride and they would not let any perceived discrimination or marginalisation upset their life in the Republic.
They make sure that through education and economic power, they can shame any potential discriminator into a puddle of self-effacing disgrace. Why then do some Malays keep on harping that they are marginalised？
The reason is： MINORITY SYNDROME. This syndrome actually highlights the debilitating internal effects of self-pity and self-defeat.
It is sad that although the prescription of this “disease” is to bask in the sunshine of positive interaction with other ethnic groups, some Malays chose to stay indoors and self-indulge in their Malay-ness.
Their refusal to allow themselves to be “treated” contradicts their demand, sans effort, that others should understand their problems. Instead of engaging in pursuits which would allow them better standing, they would rather indulge in matters which seemingly distance them away from the others.
Fortunately, many Malays have better things to do than to ponder on the marginalisation issue. They realise that there is no point to having endless discussions on the issue.
Like a group of Malay professionals I met recently, what they want most of all is to be judged on their own competence and to live peacefully. After all, marginalisation exists everywhere and anywhere in the world.
Just open up the newspapers and history books. So, no point harping on marginalisation, whether it exists or not. Why bother？ Why not just move on？ Do we want to get somewhere or do we want to get stuck in the rut？ We Malays are practical Singaporeans after all.
（The writer is a 25-year-old project manager with an international market research company. He is an active member in Malay organisations.）
年輕專業(yè)馬來(lái)青年談邊緣化問(wèn)題● 沙亞法林。沙里夫
不久前有些人認(rèn)為馬來(lái)人被邊緣化的課題,無(wú)疑的讓許多人得以表達(dá)他們內(nèi)心的種種感受。
堅(jiān)持馬來(lái)族的確被邊緣化的馬來(lái)人的潛在不滿情緒,得到了宣泄。課題也讓我們有機(jī)會(huì)深入研究政府的整個(gè)管理方式,探討是否有任何蓄意的作法,試圖讓新加坡的馬來(lái)人,得到不公平的待遇。
當(dāng)我們能夠從大局看清楚問(wèn)題,那些用來(lái)突出“不公平制度”的間接證明,便成為不足為慮的小事。當(dāng)然,我并不是說(shuō)馬來(lái)人完全沒(méi)有受到任何歧視。在一些情況下,馬來(lái)人需要接受,有必要暫時(shí)不讓他們參與。不過(guò),他們也必須能夠分辨針對(duì)他們的敵意行動(dòng),和為了國(guó)家整體利益而實(shí)行的政策。
吳作棟總理在開(kāi)齋節(jié)晚宴同馬來(lái)族群交流。
馬來(lái)孩童和學(xué)生,享有和他族同等的教育機(jī)會(huì),讓他們也能夠出人頭地。政府甚至更進(jìn)一步,實(shí)行要新加坡的每一個(gè)馬來(lái)孩童和學(xué)生,都有一個(gè)穩(wěn)固的教育基礎(chǔ)的政策。
政府也和致力改進(jìn)馬來(lái)社會(huì)的馬來(lái)組織緊密合作。只有一個(gè)不知感激為何物的人,才能理直氣壯的否定這些措施。
新加坡的馬來(lái)人可說(shuō)是幸運(yùn)的,少數(shù)民族受到政府如此照顧非常罕見(jiàn)。
馬來(lái)人有一位主管回教事務(wù)的部長(zhǎng),在國(guó)會(huì)里也有成比例的代表。這些在國(guó)家憲法的第152條有明文規(guī)定。
那些不以為然的馬來(lái)人,可以沒(méi)完沒(méi)了的爭(zhēng)論下去。但是,事實(shí)勝于雄辯,因?yàn)檫@些規(guī)定,新加坡回教理事會(huì)和回教社會(huì)發(fā)展理事會(huì)才得以成立。
其他需要自己照顧自己的少數(shù)民族又如何呢？他們有沒(méi)有抱怨呢？我相信他們也會(huì)埋怨,不過(guò)他們卻能從容應(yīng)對(duì),不讓任何所謂的歧視或邊緣化擾亂他們的生活。通過(guò)提高教育和經(jīng)濟(jì)水平,他們有信心讓有意歧視他們的人感到無(wú)地自容。那么,為什么一些馬來(lái)人一直嘮叨他們被邊緣化呢？
答案是：少數(shù)民族心態(tài)。這種心態(tài)突顯了自我憐憫和自我認(rèn)輸所能造成的挫折感。
這種“疾病”的療法是多和其他族群正面交往。可惜一些馬來(lái)人卻選擇呆在家里,加深馬來(lái)人自身的認(rèn)同感。
他們要求別人了解他們的問(wèn)題,卻不愿意接受“治療”。與其參加能夠提高社會(huì)地位的活動(dòng),他們寧可參與使他們和別人疏離的事務(wù)。
幸好,許多馬來(lái)人不會(huì)把時(shí)間浪費(fèi)在邊緣化的課題上。他們知道糾纏不清根本毫無(wú)意義。
我近和一群馬來(lái)專業(yè)人士會(huì)面,他們大的要求,是別人能夠以他們的能力來(lái)衡量他們,以及和他族和平共處。畢竟,邊緣化的問(wèn)題存在于世界上任何地方,只要翻開(kāi)報(bào)紙和歷史書,就能找到例子。所以,不論邊緣化存不存在,都無(wú)需不厭其煩的討論。何必呢？為什么不往前走？我們要為目標(biāo)奮斗還是在原地踏步？我相信新加坡的馬來(lái)人會(huì)采取務(wù)實(shí)的態(tài)度。
。作者25歲,是一家國(guó)際市場(chǎng)調(diào)查公司項(xiàng)目經(jīng)理,他也是馬來(lái)團(tuán)體的活躍分子。
。葉琦保譯