PRESIDENT George W. Bush：
Good evening. Before I take your questions， let me speak with the American people about the situation in Iraq.
This has been tough weeks in that country. Coalition forces have encountered serious violence in some areas of Iraq. Our military commanders report that this violence is being instigated by three groups： Some remnants of Saddam Hussein's regime， along with Islamic militants have attacked coalition forces in the city of Fallujah. Terrorists from other countries have infiltrated Iraq to incite and organize attacks. In the south of Iraq， coalition forces face riots and attacks that are being incited by a radical cleric named al-Sadr. He has assembled some of his supporters into an illegal militia， and publicly supported the terrorist groups， Hamas and Hezbollah. Al-Sadr's methods of violence and intimidation are widely repudiated by other Iraqi Shia. He's been indicted by Iraqi authorities for the murder of a prominent Shia cleric.
Although these instigations of violence come from different factions， they share common goals. They want to run us out of Iraq and destroy the democratic hopes of the Iraqi people. The violence we have seen is a power grab by these extreme and ruthless elements.
It's not a civil war； it's not a popular uprising. Most of Iraq is relatively stable. Most Iraqis， by far， reject violence and oppose dictatorship. In forums where Iraqis have met to discuss their political future， and in all the proceedings of the Iraqi Governing Council， Iraqis have expressed clear commitments. They want strong protections for individual rights； they want their independence； and they want their freedom.
America's commitment to freedom in Iraq is consistent with our ideals， and required by our interests. Iraq will either be a peaceful， democratic country， or it will again be a source of violence， a haven for terror， and a threat to America and to the world. By helping to secure a free Iraq， Americans serving in that country are protecting their fellow citizens. Our nation is grateful to them all， and to their families that face hardship and long separation.
This weekend， at a Fort Hood hospital， I presented a Purple Heart to some of our wounded； had the honor of thanking them on behalf of all Americans. Other men and women have paid an even greater cost. Our nation honors the memory of those who have been killed， and we pray that their families will find God's comfort in the midst of their grief. As I have said to those who have lost loved ones， we will finish the work of the fallen.
America's armed forces are performing brilliantly， with all the skill and honor we expect of them. We're constantly reviewing their needs. Troop strength， now and in the future， is determined by the situation on the ground. If additional forces are needed， I will send them. If additional resources are needed， we will provide them. The people of our country are united behind our men and women in uniform， and this government will do all that is necessary to assure the success of their historic mission.
One central commitment of that mission is the transfer of sovereignty back to the Iraqi people. We have set a deadline of June 30th. It is important that we meet that deadline. As a proud and independent people， Iraqis do not support an indefinite occupation —— and neither does America. We're not an imperial power， as nations such as Japan and Germany can attest. We are a liberating power， as nations in Europe and Asia can attest， as well. America's objective in Iraq is limited， and it is firm： We seek an independent， free and secure Iraq.
Were the coalition to step back from the June 30th pledge， many Iraqis would question our intentions and feel their hopes betrayed. And those in Iraq who trade in hatred and conspiracy theories would find a larger audience and gain a stronger hand. We will not step back from our pledge. On June 30th， Iraqi sovereignty will be placed in Iraqi hands.
Sovereignty involves more than a date and a ceremony. It requires Iraqis to assume responsibility for their own future. Iraqi authorities are now confronting the security challenge of the last several weeks. In Fallujah， coalition forces have suspended offensive operations， allowing members of the Iraqi Governing Council and local leaders to work on the restoration of central authority in that city. These leaders are communicating with the insurgents to ensure an orderly turnover of that city to Iraqi forces， so that the resumption of military action does not become necessary. They're also insisting that those who killed and mutilated four American contract workers be handed over for trial and punishment. In addition， members of the Governing Council are seeking to resolve the situation in the south. Al-Sadr must answer the charges against him and disband his illegal militia.
Our coalition is standing with responsible Iraqi leaders as they establish growing authority in their country. The transition to sovereignty requires that we demonstrate confidence in Iraqis， and we have that confidence. Many Iraqi leaders are showing great personal courage， and their example will bring out the same quality in others. The transition to sovereignty also requires an atmosphere of security， and our coalition is working to provide that security. We will continue taking the greatest care to prevent harm to innocent civilians； yet we will not permit the spread of chaos and violence. I have directed our military commanders to make every preparation to use decisive force， if necessary， to maintain order and to protect our troops.
The nation of Iraq is moving toward self-rule， and Iraqis and Americans will see evidence in the months to come. On June 30th， when the flag of free Iraq is raised， Iraqi officials will assume full responsibility for the ministries of government. On that day， the transitional administrative law， including a bill of rights that is unprecedented in the Arab world， will take full effect.
The United States， and all the nations of our coalition， will establish normal diplomatic relations with the Iraqi government. An American embassy will open， and an American ambassador will be posted.
According to the schedule already approved by the Governing Council， Iraq will hold elections for a national assembly no later than next January. That assembly will draft a new， permanent constitution which will be presented to the Iraqi people in a national referendum held in October of next year. Iraqis will then elect a permanent government by December 15， 2005 —— an event that will mark the completion of Iraq's transition from dictatorship to freedom.
Other nations and international institutions are stepping up to their responsibilities in building a free and secure Iraq. We're working closely with the United Nations envoy， Lakhdar Brahimi， and with Iraqis to determine the exact form of the government that will receive sovereignty on June 30th. The United Nations election assistance team， headed by Karina Parelli （phonetic）， is in Iraq， developing plans for next January's election. NATO is providing support for the Polish-led multinational division in Iraq. And 17 of NATO's 26 members are contributing forces to maintain security.
Secretary of State Powell and Secretary of State Rumsfeld， and a number of NATO defense and foreign ministers are exploring a more formal role for NATO， such as turning the Polish-led division into a NATO operation， and giving NATO specific responsibilities for border control.
Iraqi's neighbors also have responsibilities to make their region more stable. So I am sending Deputy Secretary of State Armitage to the Middle East to discuss with these nations our common interest in a free and independent Iraq， and how they can help achieve this goal.
As we've made clear all along， our commitment to the success and security of Iraq will not end on June 30th. On July 1st， and beyond， our reconstruction assistance will continue， and our military commitment will continue. Having helped Iraqis establish a new government， coalition military forces will help Iraqis to protect their government from external aggression and internal subversion.
The success of free government in Iraq is vital for many reasons. A free Iraq is vital because 25 million Iraqis have as much right to live in freedom as we do. A free Iraq will stand as an example to reformers across the Middle East. A free Iraq will show that America is on the side of Muslims who wish to live in peace， as we have already shown in Kuwait and Kosovo， Bosnia and Afghanistan. A free Iraq will confirm to a watching world that America's word， once given， can be relied upon， even in the toughest times.
Above all， the defeat of violence and terror in Iraq is vital to the defeat of violence and terror elsewhere； and vital， therefore， to the safety of the American people. Now is the time， and Iraq is the place， in which the enemies of the civilized world are testing the will of the civilized world. We must not waver.
The violence we are seeing in Iraq is familiar. The terrorist who takes hostages， or plants a roadside bomb near Baghdad is serving the same ideology of murder that kills innocent people on trains in Madrid， and murders children on buses in Jerusalem， and blows up a nightclub in Bali， and cuts the throat of a young reporter for being a Jew.
We've seen the same ideology of murder in the killing of 241 Marines in Beirut， the first attack on the World Trade Center， in the destruction of two embassies in Africa， in the attack on the USS Cole， and in the merciless horror inflicted upon thousands of innocent men and women and children on September the 11th， 2001.
None of these acts is the work of a religion； all are the work of a fanatical， political ideology. The servants of this ideology seek tyranny in the Middle East and beyond. They seek to oppress and persecute women. They seek the death of Jews and Christians， and every Muslim who desires peace over theocratic terror. They seek to intimidate America into panic and retreat， and to set free nations against each other. And they seek weapons of mass destruction， to blackmail and murder on a massive scale.
Over the last several decades， we've seen that any concession or retreat on our part will only embolden this enemy and invite more bloodshed. And the enemy has seen， over the last 31 months， that we will no longer live in denial or seek to appease them. For the first time， the civilized world has provided a concerted response to the ideology of terror —— a series of powerful， effective blows.
The terrorists have lost the shelter of the Taliban and the training camps in Afghanistan. They've lost safe havens in Pakistan. They lost an ally in Baghdad. And Libya has turned its back on terror. They've lost many leaders in an unrelenting international manhunt. And perhaps most frightening to these men and their movement， the terrorists are seeing the advance of freedom and reform in the greater Middle East.
A desperate enemy is also a dangerous enemy， and our work may become more difficult before it is finished. No one can predict all the hazards that lie ahead， or the costs they will bring. Yet， in this conflict， there is no safe alternative to resolute action. The consequences of failure in Iraq would be unthinkable. Every friend of America and Iraq would be betrayed to prison and murder as a new tyranny arose. Every enemy of America and the world would celebrate， proclaiming our weakness and decadence， and using that victory to recruit a new generation of killers.
We will succeed in Iraq. We're carrying out a decision that has already been made and will not change： Iraq will be a free， independent country， and America and the Middle East will be safer because of it. Our coalition has the means and the will to prevail. We serve the cause of liberty， and that is， always and everywhere， a cause worth serving.'
布什總統(tǒng)：
晚上好。在我回答你們的提問之前，請允許我向美國人民介紹一下伊拉克局勢。
伊拉克這幾周形勢嚴峻。聯(lián)盟軍隊在伊拉克部份地區(qū)遭到了嚴重的暴力襲擊。據(jù)我們的軍事指揮官報告，這些暴力事件是由三個團伙煽動的。薩達姆·侯賽因政權(quán)的部份殘余勢力伙同伊斯蘭武裝分子在費盧杰襲擊了聯(lián)盟軍隊。從其他國家滲透到伊拉克的恐怖主義分子煽動并組織了襲擊行動。
在伊拉克南部地區(qū)，聯(lián)盟軍隊遭到了一個名叫薩德爾的極端宗教領(lǐng)袖指使的*和襲擊。他將他的一部份支持者組成一支非法武裝，并公開支持哈馬斯和真主黨這兩個恐怖主義組織。薩德爾的暴力和恐嚇手段遭到了其他什葉派人士的廣泛譴責。他還因謀殺一位知名的什葉派宗教領(lǐng)袖而受到伊拉克*的起訴。
盡管煽動暴力的團伙不只一個，但他們的企圖是相同的。他們妄圖把我們趕出伊拉克并使伊拉克人民的民主希望破滅。我們所看到的暴力行徑是這些極端而殘忍的團伙爭權(quán)奪利的表現(xiàn)。這不是內(nèi)戰(zhàn)。這不是民眾反抗。伊拉克大部地區(qū)相對穩(wěn)定。迄今為止，大部份伊拉克人拒絕接受暴力并反對*。
伊拉克人在探討他們的政治前途的論壇上和伊拉克管理委員會的所有議程中，明確表達了他們的承諾。他們希望有力地保護個人權(quán)利。他們希望享有獨立和自由。
美國在伊拉克實現(xiàn)自由的承諾符合我們的理念，而且是維護我們的利益所必須的。
伊拉克如果不發(fā)展成一個和平的民主國家，就將再次淪為暴力的溫床和恐怖主義分子的避難所，并對美國和全世界構(gòu)成威脅。在伊拉克駐扎的美國軍人通過努力捍衛(wèi)一個自由的伊拉克，保護了他們美國同胞的安全。我們的國家感謝他們所有人，也感謝他們承受著困難和長期分離之苦的家人。
上個周末在胡德堡醫(yī)院，我把紫心勛章授予一些負傷的軍人。我有幸代表美國人民向他們表示感謝。其他男女軍人甚至付出了更高昂的代價。我們的國家緬懷那些陣亡軍人。我們祈愿他們的家人能在悲痛之中得到上帝的撫慰。
正如我對那些失去親人的人們所說，我們將完成犧牲者未競的事業(yè)。美國武裝部隊正在不負眾望地傾注他們的力量和榮譽，出色地完成任務(wù)。
我們隨時了解他們的需求?，F(xiàn)在及將來所需的兵力將由地面形勢決定。如果需要增派部隊，我會派兵。如果需要更多的物資，我也會提供。
我國人民團結(jié)一致地支持我們的軍人。本屆政府也將盡一切必要的努力確保他們的歷史使命圓滿完成。
這一使命的一個核心承諾是向伊拉克人民移交主權(quán)。我們已經(jīng)確定6月30日為最后期限。如期完成計劃具有重要意義。作為一個驕傲而獨立的民族，伊拉克人民不支持無限期駐軍，美國人民也不支持這樣做。我們并非霸權(quán)，日本和德國這些國家可以證明。我們是一支解放力量，歐洲和亞洲各國也可以證明。
美國在伊拉克的目標具體而堅定。
我們力爭建設(shè)一個獨立、自由、安定的伊拉克。
聯(lián)盟若放棄6月30日這個最后期限，很多伊拉克人將懷疑我們的意圖并感到他們的理想被出賣，那些在伊拉克宣揚仇恨和陰謀信條的人將誘惑更多的民眾并獲得優(yōu)勢。
我們不會放棄我們的承諾。6月30日，伊拉克主權(quán)將被交到伊拉克人民手中。主權(quán)不僅僅是一個日期和一個儀式。它要求伊拉克人民必須為自己的前途承擔起責任。伊拉克*在過去幾周中面臨著安全方面的挑戰(zhàn)。在費盧杰，聯(lián)盟軍隊暫時停止了追剿行動，讓伊拉克管理委員會成員和地方領(lǐng)導人負責恢復這座城市的中心權(quán)力機構(gòu)。
這些領(lǐng)導人目前正在與叛亂分子交涉，以確保將該城市有序地移交給伊拉克武裝力量，從而避免進一步軍事行動。他們還堅持要求交出殺害與肢解四名美國承包人員的兇手，以便對他們進行審判和懲處。另外，管理委員會成員們也正在尋求化解南部的局勢。薩德爾必須對針對他的指控作出答辯，并解散其非法民兵。
當負責任的伊拉克領(lǐng)導人在自己的國家逐步建立權(quán)力機構(gòu)時，我們的聯(lián)盟與他們站在一起。主權(quán)移交要求我們顯示出對伊拉克人的信心，我們有這樣的信心。許多伊拉克領(lǐng)導人表現(xiàn)出更大的個人勇氣，他們的榜樣會激發(fā)其他人所具有的同樣素質(zhì)。
主權(quán)移交還要求安全的環(huán)境，聯(lián)盟正在努力提供這種安全。我們繼續(xù)竭盡全力避免傷害無辜平民，但我們絕不允許*和暴力蔓延。
我已經(jīng)指示美國的軍事指揮官們作好一切準備，在必要時使用果斷武力維持秩序，保護我們的部隊。
作為一個國家，伊拉克正在走向自治，在未來的數(shù)月中，伊拉克人和美國人都將看到這方面的證明。6月30日，當自由伊拉克的旗幟升起的時候，伊拉克官員們將對政府各部承擔全面職責。在那一天，《臨時行政法》─ 包括阿拉伯世界中史無前例的人權(quán)法案 ─ 將全部生效。美國以及聯(lián)盟的所有成員國將與伊拉克政府建立正式外交關(guān)系。美國大使館將開館，一位美國大使將就任。
根據(jù)管理委員會已經(jīng)批準的日程，伊拉克將于明年一月前舉行國民議會選舉。
該國民議會將制定一部新的正式憲法，并將該憲法在明年十月舉行的全國全民公決中交付伊拉克人民表決。2005年12月15日，伊拉克人將選舉一個正式政府，該事件將標志著伊拉克完成從專制向自由的過渡。
其他國家和國際組織正在為建設(shè)自由和安全的伊拉克而承擔更多責任。我們正在與聯(lián)合國特使拉赫達爾·卜拉希米以及伊拉克人協(xié)作，以確定6月30日接受主權(quán)的政府之確切形式。
由卡利納·佩雷里率領(lǐng)的聯(lián)合國選舉協(xié)助小組目前正在伊拉克制定明年一月選舉的計劃。北約正在為波蘭領(lǐng)導的駐伊拉克多國部隊提供支持，北約26個成員國中有17個派出武裝力量幫助維護安全。
鮑威爾國務(wù)卿和拉姆斯菲爾德部長以及一批北約國防部長和外交部長們正在探索北約所能承擔的更為正式的角色。例如把波蘭領(lǐng)導的多國部隊轉(zhuǎn)化為北約行動，并在邊境控制方面賦予北約具體責任。
伊拉克的鄰國也有責任使該地區(qū)更穩(wěn)定，因此我將派出阿米蒂奇副國務(wù)卿前往中東，與這些國家討論我們就一個自由、獨立的伊拉克所具有的共同利益以及這些國家?guī)椭鷮崿F(xiàn)此一目標的方式。
我們一直明確表示，我們對伊拉克的成功和安全的承諾不會在6月30日中止。在7月1日及以后的日子里，我們在重建方面提供的協(xié)助將繼續(xù)，我們的軍事承諾也將繼續(xù)。幫助伊拉克人建立新政府以后，聯(lián)盟軍隊還將幫助伊拉克人捍衛(wèi)其政府，使之免遭外部侵略和內(nèi)部*。
由于多種原因，伊拉克自由政府的成功至關(guān)重要。一個自由的伊拉克至關(guān)重要，因為25，000伊拉克人和我們一樣享有自由生活的權(quán)利。一個自由的伊拉克將為整個中東地區(qū)的改革者們樹立榜樣。一個自由的伊拉克將表明美國站在愛好和平的穆斯林一邊，正如我們在科威特和科索沃、在波斯尼亞和阿富汗所做的那樣。一個自由的伊拉克將向密切關(guān)注事態(tài)的世界證實，美國說話算話，即使在最艱難的時期也決不食言。
最重要的是，在伊拉克打敗暴力與恐怖關(guān)系到在其他地方打敗暴力與恐怖，進而關(guān)系到美國人民的安全。此時此刻，文明世界的敵人正在伊拉克考驗文明世界的意志，我們絕不能動搖。
我們在伊拉克所看到的暴力并非沒有先例。劫持人質(zhì)或在巴格達附近道路上安放炸彈的恐怖主義者信奉的殺人哲學與在馬德里殺害無辜火車乘客、在耶路撒冷殺害公共汽車上的兒童、在巴厘島炸毀夜總會、由于一位年輕記者是*人就割斷他的喉管，所有這些暴力同出一轍。在貝魯特殘殺241名海軍陸戰(zhàn)隊官兵、對世貿(mào)中心的第一次攻擊、炸毀在非洲的兩座大使館、炸毀科爾號軍艦、在2001年9月11日殘忍地殺害數(shù)以千計的無辜男女與兒童，奉行的都是同一種謀殺信條。
這些行為中沒有一件是宗教使然。它們?nèi)渴菢O端政治意識形態(tài)的產(chǎn)物。這種意識形態(tài)的信奉者尋求在中東和其他地區(qū)建立*。他們妄圖壓迫和迫害婦女。他們妄圖把*人和基督徒以及抵制神權(quán)政治恐怖、向往和平的每一位穆斯林置于死地。他們妄圖使美國驚惶失措，甚至撤退，讓自由國家互相爭斗。他們妄圖獲得大規(guī)模毀滅性武器，以便進行恫嚇和大規(guī)模謀殺。
在過去數(shù)十年中，我們看到，我們的任何讓步或退縮只會使這些敵人更加猖狂，從而導致更多流血事件。這個敵人在過去31個月中看到，我們不再拒絕面對現(xiàn)實，也不再向他們實行綏靖政策。
文明世界有史以來第一次對恐怖意識形態(tài)作出了一致的反應(yīng)，這就是一系列有效而強有力的打擊?？植乐髁x者在阿富汗失去了塔利班的庇護和訓練營。
他們失去了在巴基斯坦的避風港。他們失去了巴格達的一個同盟者。利比亞已經(jīng)與恐怖決斷。在國際性的無情追捕下，他們失去了許多。對這些人及其運動而言，可能最令其恐懼的是恐怖分子正在看到大中東地區(qū)的自由與改革的進展。
絕望的敵人也是危險的敵人，我們的工作在結(jié)束之前可能變得更加困難。沒有人能夠預測未來的全部風險及其代價，但在這場沖突中，除果斷行動外別無萬無一失的選擇。如果在伊拉克失敗，后果將不堪設(shè)想。美國在伊拉克的每一位朋友將會被出賣，隨著新的*上臺而身陷囹圄或遭受謀殺。美國在世界上的所有敵人都將彈冠相慶，宣布我們的軟弱和衰亡，并利用這次得逞招募新一代殺手。
我們將在伊拉克成功。我們正在執(zhí)行一項已經(jīng)作出的決定，這項決定不會變化。伊拉克將成為一個自由、獨立的國家。美國和中東將因此而更加安全。我們的聯(lián)盟有力量、有決心取得勝利。我們?yōu)樽杂傻氖聵I(yè)奉獻，無論何時何地，這都是值得奉獻的事業(yè)。
Good evening. Before I take your questions， let me speak with the American people about the situation in Iraq.
This has been tough weeks in that country. Coalition forces have encountered serious violence in some areas of Iraq. Our military commanders report that this violence is being instigated by three groups： Some remnants of Saddam Hussein's regime， along with Islamic militants have attacked coalition forces in the city of Fallujah. Terrorists from other countries have infiltrated Iraq to incite and organize attacks. In the south of Iraq， coalition forces face riots and attacks that are being incited by a radical cleric named al-Sadr. He has assembled some of his supporters into an illegal militia， and publicly supported the terrorist groups， Hamas and Hezbollah. Al-Sadr's methods of violence and intimidation are widely repudiated by other Iraqi Shia. He's been indicted by Iraqi authorities for the murder of a prominent Shia cleric.
Although these instigations of violence come from different factions， they share common goals. They want to run us out of Iraq and destroy the democratic hopes of the Iraqi people. The violence we have seen is a power grab by these extreme and ruthless elements.
It's not a civil war； it's not a popular uprising. Most of Iraq is relatively stable. Most Iraqis， by far， reject violence and oppose dictatorship. In forums where Iraqis have met to discuss their political future， and in all the proceedings of the Iraqi Governing Council， Iraqis have expressed clear commitments. They want strong protections for individual rights； they want their independence； and they want their freedom.
America's commitment to freedom in Iraq is consistent with our ideals， and required by our interests. Iraq will either be a peaceful， democratic country， or it will again be a source of violence， a haven for terror， and a threat to America and to the world. By helping to secure a free Iraq， Americans serving in that country are protecting their fellow citizens. Our nation is grateful to them all， and to their families that face hardship and long separation.
This weekend， at a Fort Hood hospital， I presented a Purple Heart to some of our wounded； had the honor of thanking them on behalf of all Americans. Other men and women have paid an even greater cost. Our nation honors the memory of those who have been killed， and we pray that their families will find God's comfort in the midst of their grief. As I have said to those who have lost loved ones， we will finish the work of the fallen.
America's armed forces are performing brilliantly， with all the skill and honor we expect of them. We're constantly reviewing their needs. Troop strength， now and in the future， is determined by the situation on the ground. If additional forces are needed， I will send them. If additional resources are needed， we will provide them. The people of our country are united behind our men and women in uniform， and this government will do all that is necessary to assure the success of their historic mission.
One central commitment of that mission is the transfer of sovereignty back to the Iraqi people. We have set a deadline of June 30th. It is important that we meet that deadline. As a proud and independent people， Iraqis do not support an indefinite occupation —— and neither does America. We're not an imperial power， as nations such as Japan and Germany can attest. We are a liberating power， as nations in Europe and Asia can attest， as well. America's objective in Iraq is limited， and it is firm： We seek an independent， free and secure Iraq.
Were the coalition to step back from the June 30th pledge， many Iraqis would question our intentions and feel their hopes betrayed. And those in Iraq who trade in hatred and conspiracy theories would find a larger audience and gain a stronger hand. We will not step back from our pledge. On June 30th， Iraqi sovereignty will be placed in Iraqi hands.
Sovereignty involves more than a date and a ceremony. It requires Iraqis to assume responsibility for their own future. Iraqi authorities are now confronting the security challenge of the last several weeks. In Fallujah， coalition forces have suspended offensive operations， allowing members of the Iraqi Governing Council and local leaders to work on the restoration of central authority in that city. These leaders are communicating with the insurgents to ensure an orderly turnover of that city to Iraqi forces， so that the resumption of military action does not become necessary. They're also insisting that those who killed and mutilated four American contract workers be handed over for trial and punishment. In addition， members of the Governing Council are seeking to resolve the situation in the south. Al-Sadr must answer the charges against him and disband his illegal militia.
Our coalition is standing with responsible Iraqi leaders as they establish growing authority in their country. The transition to sovereignty requires that we demonstrate confidence in Iraqis， and we have that confidence. Many Iraqi leaders are showing great personal courage， and their example will bring out the same quality in others. The transition to sovereignty also requires an atmosphere of security， and our coalition is working to provide that security. We will continue taking the greatest care to prevent harm to innocent civilians； yet we will not permit the spread of chaos and violence. I have directed our military commanders to make every preparation to use decisive force， if necessary， to maintain order and to protect our troops.
The nation of Iraq is moving toward self-rule， and Iraqis and Americans will see evidence in the months to come. On June 30th， when the flag of free Iraq is raised， Iraqi officials will assume full responsibility for the ministries of government. On that day， the transitional administrative law， including a bill of rights that is unprecedented in the Arab world， will take full effect.
The United States， and all the nations of our coalition， will establish normal diplomatic relations with the Iraqi government. An American embassy will open， and an American ambassador will be posted.
According to the schedule already approved by the Governing Council， Iraq will hold elections for a national assembly no later than next January. That assembly will draft a new， permanent constitution which will be presented to the Iraqi people in a national referendum held in October of next year. Iraqis will then elect a permanent government by December 15， 2005 —— an event that will mark the completion of Iraq's transition from dictatorship to freedom.
Other nations and international institutions are stepping up to their responsibilities in building a free and secure Iraq. We're working closely with the United Nations envoy， Lakhdar Brahimi， and with Iraqis to determine the exact form of the government that will receive sovereignty on June 30th. The United Nations election assistance team， headed by Karina Parelli （phonetic）， is in Iraq， developing plans for next January's election. NATO is providing support for the Polish-led multinational division in Iraq. And 17 of NATO's 26 members are contributing forces to maintain security.
Secretary of State Powell and Secretary of State Rumsfeld， and a number of NATO defense and foreign ministers are exploring a more formal role for NATO， such as turning the Polish-led division into a NATO operation， and giving NATO specific responsibilities for border control.
Iraqi's neighbors also have responsibilities to make their region more stable. So I am sending Deputy Secretary of State Armitage to the Middle East to discuss with these nations our common interest in a free and independent Iraq， and how they can help achieve this goal.
As we've made clear all along， our commitment to the success and security of Iraq will not end on June 30th. On July 1st， and beyond， our reconstruction assistance will continue， and our military commitment will continue. Having helped Iraqis establish a new government， coalition military forces will help Iraqis to protect their government from external aggression and internal subversion.
The success of free government in Iraq is vital for many reasons. A free Iraq is vital because 25 million Iraqis have as much right to live in freedom as we do. A free Iraq will stand as an example to reformers across the Middle East. A free Iraq will show that America is on the side of Muslims who wish to live in peace， as we have already shown in Kuwait and Kosovo， Bosnia and Afghanistan. A free Iraq will confirm to a watching world that America's word， once given， can be relied upon， even in the toughest times.
Above all， the defeat of violence and terror in Iraq is vital to the defeat of violence and terror elsewhere； and vital， therefore， to the safety of the American people. Now is the time， and Iraq is the place， in which the enemies of the civilized world are testing the will of the civilized world. We must not waver.
The violence we are seeing in Iraq is familiar. The terrorist who takes hostages， or plants a roadside bomb near Baghdad is serving the same ideology of murder that kills innocent people on trains in Madrid， and murders children on buses in Jerusalem， and blows up a nightclub in Bali， and cuts the throat of a young reporter for being a Jew.
We've seen the same ideology of murder in the killing of 241 Marines in Beirut， the first attack on the World Trade Center， in the destruction of two embassies in Africa， in the attack on the USS Cole， and in the merciless horror inflicted upon thousands of innocent men and women and children on September the 11th， 2001.
None of these acts is the work of a religion； all are the work of a fanatical， political ideology. The servants of this ideology seek tyranny in the Middle East and beyond. They seek to oppress and persecute women. They seek the death of Jews and Christians， and every Muslim who desires peace over theocratic terror. They seek to intimidate America into panic and retreat， and to set free nations against each other. And they seek weapons of mass destruction， to blackmail and murder on a massive scale.
Over the last several decades， we've seen that any concession or retreat on our part will only embolden this enemy and invite more bloodshed. And the enemy has seen， over the last 31 months， that we will no longer live in denial or seek to appease them. For the first time， the civilized world has provided a concerted response to the ideology of terror —— a series of powerful， effective blows.
The terrorists have lost the shelter of the Taliban and the training camps in Afghanistan. They've lost safe havens in Pakistan. They lost an ally in Baghdad. And Libya has turned its back on terror. They've lost many leaders in an unrelenting international manhunt. And perhaps most frightening to these men and their movement， the terrorists are seeing the advance of freedom and reform in the greater Middle East.
A desperate enemy is also a dangerous enemy， and our work may become more difficult before it is finished. No one can predict all the hazards that lie ahead， or the costs they will bring. Yet， in this conflict， there is no safe alternative to resolute action. The consequences of failure in Iraq would be unthinkable. Every friend of America and Iraq would be betrayed to prison and murder as a new tyranny arose. Every enemy of America and the world would celebrate， proclaiming our weakness and decadence， and using that victory to recruit a new generation of killers.
We will succeed in Iraq. We're carrying out a decision that has already been made and will not change： Iraq will be a free， independent country， and America and the Middle East will be safer because of it. Our coalition has the means and the will to prevail. We serve the cause of liberty， and that is， always and everywhere， a cause worth serving.'
布什總統(tǒng)：
晚上好。在我回答你們的提問之前，請允許我向美國人民介紹一下伊拉克局勢。
伊拉克這幾周形勢嚴峻。聯(lián)盟軍隊在伊拉克部份地區(qū)遭到了嚴重的暴力襲擊。據(jù)我們的軍事指揮官報告，這些暴力事件是由三個團伙煽動的。薩達姆·侯賽因政權(quán)的部份殘余勢力伙同伊斯蘭武裝分子在費盧杰襲擊了聯(lián)盟軍隊。從其他國家滲透到伊拉克的恐怖主義分子煽動并組織了襲擊行動。
在伊拉克南部地區(qū)，聯(lián)盟軍隊遭到了一個名叫薩德爾的極端宗教領(lǐng)袖指使的*和襲擊。他將他的一部份支持者組成一支非法武裝，并公開支持哈馬斯和真主黨這兩個恐怖主義組織。薩德爾的暴力和恐嚇手段遭到了其他什葉派人士的廣泛譴責。他還因謀殺一位知名的什葉派宗教領(lǐng)袖而受到伊拉克*的起訴。
盡管煽動暴力的團伙不只一個，但他們的企圖是相同的。他們妄圖把我們趕出伊拉克并使伊拉克人民的民主希望破滅。我們所看到的暴力行徑是這些極端而殘忍的團伙爭權(quán)奪利的表現(xiàn)。這不是內(nèi)戰(zhàn)。這不是民眾反抗。伊拉克大部地區(qū)相對穩(wěn)定。迄今為止，大部份伊拉克人拒絕接受暴力并反對*。
伊拉克人在探討他們的政治前途的論壇上和伊拉克管理委員會的所有議程中，明確表達了他們的承諾。他們希望有力地保護個人權(quán)利。他們希望享有獨立和自由。
美國在伊拉克實現(xiàn)自由的承諾符合我們的理念，而且是維護我們的利益所必須的。
伊拉克如果不發(fā)展成一個和平的民主國家，就將再次淪為暴力的溫床和恐怖主義分子的避難所，并對美國和全世界構(gòu)成威脅。在伊拉克駐扎的美國軍人通過努力捍衛(wèi)一個自由的伊拉克，保護了他們美國同胞的安全。我們的國家感謝他們所有人，也感謝他們承受著困難和長期分離之苦的家人。
上個周末在胡德堡醫(yī)院，我把紫心勛章授予一些負傷的軍人。我有幸代表美國人民向他們表示感謝。其他男女軍人甚至付出了更高昂的代價。我們的國家緬懷那些陣亡軍人。我們祈愿他們的家人能在悲痛之中得到上帝的撫慰。
正如我對那些失去親人的人們所說，我們將完成犧牲者未競的事業(yè)。美國武裝部隊正在不負眾望地傾注他們的力量和榮譽，出色地完成任務(wù)。
我們隨時了解他們的需求?，F(xiàn)在及將來所需的兵力將由地面形勢決定。如果需要增派部隊，我會派兵。如果需要更多的物資，我也會提供。
我國人民團結(jié)一致地支持我們的軍人。本屆政府也將盡一切必要的努力確保他們的歷史使命圓滿完成。
這一使命的一個核心承諾是向伊拉克人民移交主權(quán)。我們已經(jīng)確定6月30日為最后期限。如期完成計劃具有重要意義。作為一個驕傲而獨立的民族，伊拉克人民不支持無限期駐軍，美國人民也不支持這樣做。我們并非霸權(quán)，日本和德國這些國家可以證明。我們是一支解放力量，歐洲和亞洲各國也可以證明。
美國在伊拉克的目標具體而堅定。
我們力爭建設(shè)一個獨立、自由、安定的伊拉克。
聯(lián)盟若放棄6月30日這個最后期限，很多伊拉克人將懷疑我們的意圖并感到他們的理想被出賣，那些在伊拉克宣揚仇恨和陰謀信條的人將誘惑更多的民眾并獲得優(yōu)勢。
我們不會放棄我們的承諾。6月30日，伊拉克主權(quán)將被交到伊拉克人民手中。主權(quán)不僅僅是一個日期和一個儀式。它要求伊拉克人民必須為自己的前途承擔起責任。伊拉克*在過去幾周中面臨著安全方面的挑戰(zhàn)。在費盧杰，聯(lián)盟軍隊暫時停止了追剿行動，讓伊拉克管理委員會成員和地方領(lǐng)導人負責恢復這座城市的中心權(quán)力機構(gòu)。
這些領(lǐng)導人目前正在與叛亂分子交涉，以確保將該城市有序地移交給伊拉克武裝力量，從而避免進一步軍事行動。他們還堅持要求交出殺害與肢解四名美國承包人員的兇手，以便對他們進行審判和懲處。另外，管理委員會成員們也正在尋求化解南部的局勢。薩德爾必須對針對他的指控作出答辯，并解散其非法民兵。
當負責任的伊拉克領(lǐng)導人在自己的國家逐步建立權(quán)力機構(gòu)時，我們的聯(lián)盟與他們站在一起。主權(quán)移交要求我們顯示出對伊拉克人的信心，我們有這樣的信心。許多伊拉克領(lǐng)導人表現(xiàn)出更大的個人勇氣，他們的榜樣會激發(fā)其他人所具有的同樣素質(zhì)。
主權(quán)移交還要求安全的環(huán)境，聯(lián)盟正在努力提供這種安全。我們繼續(xù)竭盡全力避免傷害無辜平民，但我們絕不允許*和暴力蔓延。
我已經(jīng)指示美國的軍事指揮官們作好一切準備，在必要時使用果斷武力維持秩序，保護我們的部隊。
作為一個國家，伊拉克正在走向自治，在未來的數(shù)月中，伊拉克人和美國人都將看到這方面的證明。6月30日，當自由伊拉克的旗幟升起的時候，伊拉克官員們將對政府各部承擔全面職責。在那一天，《臨時行政法》─ 包括阿拉伯世界中史無前例的人權(quán)法案 ─ 將全部生效。美國以及聯(lián)盟的所有成員國將與伊拉克政府建立正式外交關(guān)系。美國大使館將開館，一位美國大使將就任。
根據(jù)管理委員會已經(jīng)批準的日程，伊拉克將于明年一月前舉行國民議會選舉。
該國民議會將制定一部新的正式憲法，并將該憲法在明年十月舉行的全國全民公決中交付伊拉克人民表決。2005年12月15日，伊拉克人將選舉一個正式政府，該事件將標志著伊拉克完成從專制向自由的過渡。
其他國家和國際組織正在為建設(shè)自由和安全的伊拉克而承擔更多責任。我們正在與聯(lián)合國特使拉赫達爾·卜拉希米以及伊拉克人協(xié)作，以確定6月30日接受主權(quán)的政府之確切形式。
由卡利納·佩雷里率領(lǐng)的聯(lián)合國選舉協(xié)助小組目前正在伊拉克制定明年一月選舉的計劃。北約正在為波蘭領(lǐng)導的駐伊拉克多國部隊提供支持，北約26個成員國中有17個派出武裝力量幫助維護安全。
鮑威爾國務(wù)卿和拉姆斯菲爾德部長以及一批北約國防部長和外交部長們正在探索北約所能承擔的更為正式的角色。例如把波蘭領(lǐng)導的多國部隊轉(zhuǎn)化為北約行動，并在邊境控制方面賦予北約具體責任。
伊拉克的鄰國也有責任使該地區(qū)更穩(wěn)定，因此我將派出阿米蒂奇副國務(wù)卿前往中東，與這些國家討論我們就一個自由、獨立的伊拉克所具有的共同利益以及這些國家?guī)椭鷮崿F(xiàn)此一目標的方式。
我們一直明確表示，我們對伊拉克的成功和安全的承諾不會在6月30日中止。在7月1日及以后的日子里，我們在重建方面提供的協(xié)助將繼續(xù)，我們的軍事承諾也將繼續(xù)。幫助伊拉克人建立新政府以后，聯(lián)盟軍隊還將幫助伊拉克人捍衛(wèi)其政府，使之免遭外部侵略和內(nèi)部*。
由于多種原因，伊拉克自由政府的成功至關(guān)重要。一個自由的伊拉克至關(guān)重要，因為25，000伊拉克人和我們一樣享有自由生活的權(quán)利。一個自由的伊拉克將為整個中東地區(qū)的改革者們樹立榜樣。一個自由的伊拉克將表明美國站在愛好和平的穆斯林一邊，正如我們在科威特和科索沃、在波斯尼亞和阿富汗所做的那樣。一個自由的伊拉克將向密切關(guān)注事態(tài)的世界證實，美國說話算話，即使在最艱難的時期也決不食言。
最重要的是，在伊拉克打敗暴力與恐怖關(guān)系到在其他地方打敗暴力與恐怖，進而關(guān)系到美國人民的安全。此時此刻，文明世界的敵人正在伊拉克考驗文明世界的意志，我們絕不能動搖。
我們在伊拉克所看到的暴力并非沒有先例。劫持人質(zhì)或在巴格達附近道路上安放炸彈的恐怖主義者信奉的殺人哲學與在馬德里殺害無辜火車乘客、在耶路撒冷殺害公共汽車上的兒童、在巴厘島炸毀夜總會、由于一位年輕記者是*人就割斷他的喉管，所有這些暴力同出一轍。在貝魯特殘殺241名海軍陸戰(zhàn)隊官兵、對世貿(mào)中心的第一次攻擊、炸毀在非洲的兩座大使館、炸毀科爾號軍艦、在2001年9月11日殘忍地殺害數(shù)以千計的無辜男女與兒童，奉行的都是同一種謀殺信條。
這些行為中沒有一件是宗教使然。它們?nèi)渴菢O端政治意識形態(tài)的產(chǎn)物。這種意識形態(tài)的信奉者尋求在中東和其他地區(qū)建立*。他們妄圖壓迫和迫害婦女。他們妄圖把*人和基督徒以及抵制神權(quán)政治恐怖、向往和平的每一位穆斯林置于死地。他們妄圖使美國驚惶失措，甚至撤退，讓自由國家互相爭斗。他們妄圖獲得大規(guī)模毀滅性武器，以便進行恫嚇和大規(guī)模謀殺。
在過去數(shù)十年中，我們看到，我們的任何讓步或退縮只會使這些敵人更加猖狂，從而導致更多流血事件。這個敵人在過去31個月中看到，我們不再拒絕面對現(xiàn)實，也不再向他們實行綏靖政策。
文明世界有史以來第一次對恐怖意識形態(tài)作出了一致的反應(yīng)，這就是一系列有效而強有力的打擊?？植乐髁x者在阿富汗失去了塔利班的庇護和訓練營。
他們失去了在巴基斯坦的避風港。他們失去了巴格達的一個同盟者。利比亞已經(jīng)與恐怖決斷。在國際性的無情追捕下，他們失去了許多。對這些人及其運動而言，可能最令其恐懼的是恐怖分子正在看到大中東地區(qū)的自由與改革的進展。
絕望的敵人也是危險的敵人，我們的工作在結(jié)束之前可能變得更加困難。沒有人能夠預測未來的全部風險及其代價，但在這場沖突中，除果斷行動外別無萬無一失的選擇。如果在伊拉克失敗，后果將不堪設(shè)想。美國在伊拉克的每一位朋友將會被出賣，隨著新的*上臺而身陷囹圄或遭受謀殺。美國在世界上的所有敵人都將彈冠相慶，宣布我們的軟弱和衰亡，并利用這次得逞招募新一代殺手。
我們將在伊拉克成功。我們正在執(zhí)行一項已經(jīng)作出的決定，這項決定不會變化。伊拉克將成為一個自由、獨立的國家。美國和中東將因此而更加安全。我們的聯(lián)盟有力量、有決心取得勝利。我們?yōu)樽杂傻氖聵I(yè)奉獻，無論何時何地，這都是值得奉獻的事業(yè)。